Having lived in Japan for some time, I feel that I understand how the Japanese government is less than perfect.
And after taking many history courses at my Japanese university, I have seen first hand how many Japanese feel about the textbook and other problems.
Which brings me to my point. After the anti-Japan demonstrations -- or riots -- began, I started to think about how many of the Chinese students I have met have very different memories to mine, and I began to wonder if the history taught in China, like that taught anywhere else, was less than complete in a few areas.
With the recent outbreaks in China against Japan, I started to wonder why the Chinese government and people have hard feelings toward Japan over disputed islands.
Is it not true that South Korea, North Korea and Taiwan also claim ownership of these islands?
And why has China not made any complaints until recent years? China, which preaches the status quo on the Taiwan issue, is doing anything but that and trying to drag Japan into a long legal battle over an issue that has been ignored for nearly 50 years.
I suspect that China's recent interest in the islands was sparked by the discovery of oil. I would like to know why China has not said anything to any other nations about these islands.
I would also like to say that I agree with Japan on protecting Japanese people and interests in China. It is clearly China's responsibility to defend the Japanese embassy in China, and it seems fairly obvious to me that China is doing nothing to protect it.
What would China say if Japanese civilians started to attack the Chinese embassy in Tokyo?
What would China say if Japanese citizens took to the streets in protest every time a Chinese person in Japan committed a crime?
I'm thinking of events that took place two years ago where two Chinese students studying in Japan murdered their teacher and their teacher's family in an attempt to gain bank-account information, and how not two weeks goes by without something on the news about a Chinese student committing a violent crime either against another student or a Japanese civilian.
I do, however, agree with Asian nations seeking compensation from the Japanese over the atrocities committed during World War II, and I feel that most Japanese citizens do too.
However, I disagree with the way China and other nations are going about this.
The ordinary Japanese public did not commit the crimes, and the Japanese government did not commit the crimes either. The Japanese Empire, no longer in existence, committed those crimes, and neither Japan nor its people should have to pay for them.
Instead, I feel that these attacks should be aimed at what remains of the empire -- the emperor.
If groups were to seek compensation from the emperor, I feel that they would receive more support from the world, and from Japanese people themselves.
Darin ten Bruggencate
Japan
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
I first met Professor Ray Jiing (井迎瑞) as a film and documentary student at Shih Hsin University’s (SHU) Department of Radio Television and Film in 1988. The following year, he went on to become the director of the Chinese Taipei Film Archive — forerunner of the Taiwan Film and Audiovisual Institute (TFAI). Over his eight-year tenure, Jiing rescued and restored over 200 classic Taiwanese films. In 1997, he established the Graduate Institute of Studies in Documentary and Film Archiving at Tainan National University of the Arts (TNNUA), and I joined the program in his third cohort of students. Beyond a
President William Lai Ching-te’s (賴清德) May 20 second-anniversary address was not just a routine policy review; it was damage control. US President Donald Trump’s remarks — that he did not want to see anyone move toward independence and that the delivery of a major Taiwan arms package could depend on the progress of US-China relations — unsettled Taiwan’s public and created an opening for opposition parties to question whether Taiwan was being treated as a bargaining chip in Washington’s dealings with Beijing. Lai’s speech was designed to close that opening. The address covered the expected ground: sovereignty, cross-strait relations, defense spending,