Tomorrow's "March for Democracy and Peace to Protect Taiwan" in Taipei City was initiated by neither the government nor a political party. It is a public event uniting all of Taiwan's people, regardless of ethnicity, sex, age, place of birth or political affiliation.
DPP Legislator Lin Cho-shui (
The Taipei Society, long a mouthpiece for Taiwan's democratization, has also discouraged Chen and Hsieh from taking a major role in the march. The society believes their participation would change the nature of the rally and undermine its value as a civilian action.
Chen yesterday announced that he would take his family to the rally, but stressed that he will march as one of the crowd and not make any speeches. The rally, which hopes to attract 1 million participants to express their anger over the "Anti-Secession" Law, will therefore include the families of both the president and premier. But their presence will not make the rally a government-organized event. That they will march in silence and not make any public pronouncements is an indication of Taiwan's restraint. That this is the first time that the president will take part in a rally as a part of the crowd, is a forceful gesture, but one that also reflects restraint.
By not usurping the "unofficial" nature of the rally with his official presence, Chen will calm domestic and international concerns. His role in the rally will serve as a compromise.
Over the last few days the Democracy, Peace and Defend Taiwan Alliance (
As the march is in the collective interest of all Taiwanese, it's necessary to show a united front. But the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) instead chose to hold a separate rally last Saturday. Moreover, KMT Deputy Chairman Chiang Pin-kun (
The KMT deserves reproach for putting party interests ahead of the national interest.
Additionally, Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou's (馬英九) refusal to grant permission for the rally -- on security concerns about Ketagalan Boulevard, where the march is to end -- marks yet another political blunder on his part. The Taipei City Government just allowed, last weekend, a march terminating at the very same spot. This is nothing but political game-playing. Even if the scale of this march raises concerns about whether city police can maintain order, Taipei City should simply ask the central government for support.
The international community has responded emphatically to China's enactment of the "Anti-Secession" Law. This gives even more reason for Taiwan to stand up and say "no" to China. Of the options available for Taiwan to respond to China, a protest march is the most direct, but also the one least likely to be perceived as changing the status quo.
The number of participants who join the protest matters. In 2003 Hong Kong, 500,000 people took to the streets to protest legislation based on Article 23 of the territory's Basic Law, shocking Beijing and the international community.
If tomorrow's rally can attract over 1 million people, the expression of public sentiment would be on par with a referendum. But if only a limited number turn out, the international community might mistakenly take this to mean that Taiwan tacitly accepts the "Anti-Secession" Law, and simply sit back to watch developments.
For the benefit of everyone in Taiwan, make your voice heard tomorrow.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval