Those who are concerned about the cross-strait issue should keep in mind that since Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) Chairman Joseph Wu (
For example, the council plans to allow Chinese actors and actresses to take part in Taiwanese movies. Late last month it announced that it would allow five major Chinese media outlets -- including the state-controlled Xinhua News Agency (
Due to competition from popular Chinese, Japanese, and South Korean movies and TV dramas, the number of outlets for local artists has shrunk significantly in the past few years. In practical terms, this openness would seem then to have few direct benefits. But it is a case of insisting on openness as a matter of principle.
This newspaper praises the council's insistence on openness, which proves that the goodwill of President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) administration towards China was not just lip service. The actions of Wu and Chiu -- who have followed Chen for years and won his trust -- are the expression of this goodwill.
However, now that Taiwan has shown its goodwill, how has China responded?
Wang Zaixi (王在希), the vice minister of China's Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO), said Thursday that Beijing was "seriously considering creating a unification law" to make Taiwan a special administrative region of China. This makes us think of Beijing's attempt to use Article 23 of the Basic Law (基本法) to tighten freedom of speech in Hong Kong -- a move which sparked a 500,000-person demonstration in that city.
Putting aside the retrograde nature of any unification law, China is providing the pan-green camp with ammunition for propaganda. China should remember that in this year's presidential election, Chen was elected for a second term, defeating the pan-blue forces, despite a lackluster performance by his administration over the previous four years. Credit for this victory should be given to an awakening Taiwan consciousness.
China's actions at this time only serve to consolidate Taiwan awareness and increase the chances that the pan-greens will be able to obtain a legislative majority at the end of the year. The pan-greens must therefore be taking silent delight in the boost that the unification law has given them.
We would like to warn China that since the victory in the primaries to represent the KMT in Hsinchu City by Ko Chun-hsiung (柯俊雄), the former actor who registered to participate in the 1996 Hong Kong provisional legislative elections, the spectrum of the pan-blue camp has shifted into the red zone. The pan-greens are already preparing their attack should Ko be officially nominated. For the pan-greens, Ko's known soft spot for China is like a gift from heaven.
The TAO's Wang should be given special thanks for contributing to the pan-green legislative election campaign because of his use of the unification law to stimulate Taiwanese consciousness. At this point, it will be hard for the pan-greens to resist making use of their "Love Taiwan" propaganda once again.
We call on leaders on both sides of the Strait to put aside ideology and work toward building trust and furthering exchanges between the people of China and Taiwan.
Since we share a common language and culture, once the political issues are solved, Taiwan will always be China's friend, never its enemy. If we put aside emotion and insist on rational dialogue, we can help re-establish friendship between the two sides of the Strait.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when