On July 16, Hong Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (董建華) announced that he had accepted the resignations of secretary for security Regina Ip (葉劉淑儀) and financial secretary Anthony Leung (梁錦松). This was seen as another concession in response to the massive demonstration on July 1.
Beijing's approval was probably sought and obtain beforehand. It could even be that the move was made under Beijing's instructions to ease the public anger and pave the way for the center of power to back up Tung. After Tung was forced to postpone the anti-subversion bill, he said he would reject resignations from high-level officials in order to uphold the unity of his leadership team, and so on.
As an advocate of the Basic Law Article 23 legislation, Ip was unrivalled in her vigor, frequently engaging in wild talk and publicly exchanging abuse with legislative councilors and members of the public. She was called a "female Hitler" and "the Jiang Qing (江青) of Hong Kong." During the demonstration, she was the second-most-important target after Tung.
Because of her outstanding performance, her resignation was viewed by Hong Kong's communists almost like their mother's death.
Apart from expressing their "love" and regrets, some groups even organized a high-profile farewell party for her. She was also compared her to 13th cen-tury warrior and poet Wen Tian-xiang (文天祥).
What's even more outrageous was the behavior of the Beijing authorities. Ip was summoned to Beijing last Wednesday, when Typhoon Imbudo was approaching Hong Kong. She returned to Hong Kong the next evening, when the typhoon was leaving the territory. She avoided the typhoon, but she was in the eye of another storm -- a political storm. That day was her last in office. She handled the takeover procedure not in her office, but in Beijing. This was unprecedented, and it requires special attention.
On her return to Hong Kong, Ip was wearing exactly the same clothing as she did on the day when she announced her resignation. This explains how good she is at scheming and how deep her emotions run.
It also reminded one of how Jiang Qing settled old accounts with her political enemies when she gained the upper hand during the Cultural Revolution. The bilingual statement (Chinese and English) Ip released at the airport said that her trip was at the central government's invitation, that she had met with Procurator-General Jia Chunwang (賈春旺), Minister of Public Security Zhou Yongkang (周永康) and director of the State Council's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office Liao Hui (廖暉) and that she thanked them for the many years of concern and support. She even said she had received many souvenirs during her trip.
The people who received her are not China's top leadership, but they are representatives of the Chinese Communist Party's "dictatorship of the proletariat."
Zhou is a confidante former president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) and is known for his ruthlessness. He is also a member of the Political Bureau of the party's Central Committee and a member of the party secretariat. On the surface, Luo Gan (羅幹) appears to be the top leader in the party's judicial and law enforcement work, but the real power is in the hands of Zhou.
What was the message Beijing wanted to send out?
The clearest message is that the central government supports Ip even as Hong Kong residents oppose her. "We must embrace whatever the enemy opposes." This is the party's logic during its class struggles. Now is the time to use it again.
The second message is that the party wanted to console Ip and promise her a comeback in the future. She is perhaps Bei-jing's favorite to be the next chief executive or chief secretary for administration.
When a reporter asked her about this, she smiled and gave no answer. She did not deny it. She even appeared to be pleased.
The third message is: Hong Kong's "patriotic camp" has been in disarray under the massive pressure from the demonstration. Some of them also sympathize with the call for popular elections for the chief executive and the legislative council. Beijing's move may let them regain composure, defend their conservative position and fight against the public's demand for democracy.
Indeed, Ip appeared to be in a very different mood upon her return. Immediately, she vented her dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong public at a reception held by local communists. Like a thief crying "thief," she criticized the "winds of aberration" in society that she said were confusing right and wrong. Her statements smacked of the thinking and language of the Cultural Revolution.
Facing the scheming and supremely cunning Communist Party, the good people of Hong Kong should stay alert so as to avert an unexpected disaster.
Beijing's brazen approach has once again torn off the masks of "one country, two systems" and "a high level of autonomy" for Hong Kong.
Paul Lin is a political commentator based in New York.
Translated by Francis Huang
Could Asia be on the verge of a new wave of nuclear proliferation? A look back at the early history of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which recently celebrated its 75th anniversary, illuminates some reasons for concern in the Indo-Pacific today. US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin recently described NATO as “the most powerful and successful alliance in history,” but the organization’s early years were not without challenges. At its inception, the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty marked a sea change in American strategic thinking. The United States had been intent on withdrawing from Europe in the years following
My wife and I spent the week in the interior of Taiwan where Shuyuan spent her childhood. In that town there is a street that functions as an open farmer’s market. Walk along that street, as Shuyuan did yesterday, and it is next to impossible to come home empty-handed. Some mangoes that looked vaguely like others we had seen around here ended up on our table. Shuyuan told how she had bought them from a little old farmer woman from the countryside who said the mangoes were from a very old tree she had on her property. The big surprise
The issue of China’s overcapacity has drawn greater global attention recently, with US Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen urging Beijing to address its excess production in key industries during her visit to China last week. Meanwhile in Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last week said that Europe must have a tough talk with China on its perceived overcapacity and unfair trade practices. The remarks by Yellen and Von der Leyen come as China’s economy is undergoing a painful transition. Beijing is trying to steer the world’s second-largest economy out of a COVID-19 slump, the property crisis and
Former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) trip to China provides a pertinent reminder of why Taiwanese protested so vociferously against attempts to force through the cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014 and why, since Ma’s presidential election win in 2012, they have not voted in another Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) candidate. While the nation narrowly avoided tragedy — the treaty would have put Taiwan on the path toward the demobilization of its democracy, which Courtney Donovan Smith wrote about in the Taipei Times in “With the Sunflower movement Taiwan dodged a bullet” — Ma’s political swansong in China, which included fawning dithyrambs