Taipei Times: In order to seek political cooperation with the pan-blue camp, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been promoting the idea of political reconciliation since the pan-green camp failed to win a majority in the legislative elections last December. What is the TSU's position toward this so-called political reconciliation, as the DPP and the pan-blues seem to have reached certain political agreements?
Shu Chin-chiang: In fact, it was former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) who first actively proposed the idea of political cooperation and reconciliation to President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) after the December elections. Former president Lee encouraged President Chen to seek cooperation with the opposition parties -- even with the People First Party (PFP). Lee said only by cooperation could Taiwan's political situation be stabilized.
PHOTO: SEAN CHAO, TAIPEI TIMES
Lee's suggestion was for the sake of Taiwan's sustainable and long-term development, not just for the TSU's development. Therefore, the TSU has taken a supportive stance on the political cooperation issue and we have never been jealous of the Chinese Nationalist party (KMT) or the PFP's collaboration with the DPP. However, the premise of our supportive attitude is that each political party's actions [should be] for the good of the country. The TSU is absolutely opposed to the sort of cooperation in which political parties shake hands on the table yet exchange interests behind the scenes. This will only create a mirage that the political situation is stable.
TAIPEI TIMES FILE PHOTO
I think it was absurd for the KMT to propose six conditions to Premier Frank Hsieh (
I can understand that the DPP has to be humble and flexible in many issues as a ruling party; however, the DPP can't be so humble that it kneels down for mercy in front of the pan-blue camp, and it can't be so flexible that it forsakes its principles. The result of Hsieh's compromising remarks would only be arrogance from the KMT.
Taipei Times: It seems that a more sanguine atmosphere of political collaboration is forming after Hsieh released the message that "the Executive Yuan will not force forward the movement to change the country's official name." Since changing the country's name is one of the TSU's major platforms, what is the TSU's reaction to Hsieh's remarks?
Shu: Recently I have received so many phone calls from people living in the south who complain that Premier Hsieh has already turned a deaf ear to their voices, even though the premier had only left Kaohsiung a few days before.
I have to say that I totally disagree with Hsieh's comments on the issue of correcting the country's official name, which make it seem that the DPP has almost given up its dignity and original beliefs. Hsieh's words have hurt many Taiwanese people's feelings, although he might have been able to please the pan-blue camp.
In fact, every policy that the government plans to implement requires a democratic process. It was incorrect for Hsieh to use the word "force." Why didn't Hsieh paraphrase his idea by saying that he will promote the movement to change the country's name in a more democratic way? But no matter what Hsieh said, I can assure you that the TSU will never change its basic stance on promoting changing the country's name.
The TSU will be more practical in carrying out this appeal. I have demanded that TSU legislators within three years change the names of some local roads in their constituencies that were named after Chinese cities, such as Harbin Street or Guangzhou Street. Those streets could be renamed after Taiwanese writers, artists or people who contributed to Taiwan. I think this is a more practical action if we really wanted to attain the goal of changing the country's name. If we are unable to rename a road, [how will it be possible] to change the country's official name. If the DPP can't do it [change the nation's name], then let the TSU do it.
Additionally, although Hsieh has flexibility in dealing with cross-strait affairs, I also felt sorry to hear that he acknowledged our Constitution was based on a `one China' framework when he was interviewed on a TV news program the other day. I would rather believe that he misspoke on the issue of changing the nation's name. But if it was his real stance, it would be unacceptable.
I suggest that Hsieh should learn from Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng (
Taipei Times: Currently, the Legislative Yuan is the arena where the TSU can wield its power and influence in the present political situations. What bills does the TSU consider to be priorities when the new legislative session starts on Feb. 25?
Shu: The TSU has already planned to push through 12 priority bills in the new legislative sessions and one of the bills is the anti-annexation law. The second priority bill the TSU will work on is about education. We will study the current education laws thoroughly and endeavor to have our education [system] comprise "elements of local Taiwan."
Third, the TSU will work on legislation that ensures the equality of different ethnic groups. This aims to protect the rights of local farmers and fishermen. The TSU will fight for a fair pension for them and make it to parallel to the amount received by veterans who have come from China since 1949, which is at least three times more than local farmers. We will also draft a basic law for agriculture and fisheries that aims to protect farmers' and fishermen's livelihoods from the impact of Taiwan's joining in the World Trade Organization. Fourth, we will also pay attention to taking care of the rights of minority groups, including women, children and aboriginal people. Fifth, the TSU will also promote the idea that public security is equal to national security. Sixth, the TSU will launch cultural movements in local towns and villages and highlight the importance of knowing local cultures.
Taipei Times: How does the TSU plan to approach the "anti-annexation law," which aims to counter Beijing's proposed anti-secession law, that you promised to enact in your swearing-in ceremony?
Shu: Like I said, that bill will be the TSU's priority bill in the legislature and we are shaping the details of the anti-annexation law. But the name of that bill can be adjusted after thorough discussion. It could be an "anti-invasion law" or a "China Relations Act." No matter what the bill ends up being called, it is the main legislation the TSU will work on.
In fact, Beijing's proposed anti-secession law mimics the Taiwan Relations Act of the US. The US has stressed that the Taiwan Relations Act is an internal law; therefore, the Beijing authorities followed that pattern and has tried to make the "Taiwan issue" a domestic affair by making this law.
One of the significant elements of the anti-secession law is that Beijing intends to pull Taiwan back into the "`one China' framework," given that the DPP's victory in the 2000 presidential election kind of cut the umbilical cord connecting Taiwan and China. The CCP has been anxious that the civil war between the KMT and the CCP ended when the DPP won the presidential election. China always wanted the KMT to win back the reins of power in Taiwan so that it could resume talk of "one China." Once the anti-secession law is enacted, the Taiwan Strait will become China's waters, which will further ruffle stability in the Western Pacific and literally change the status quo in the cross-strait situation and the US' interests in the region.
In fact, many pro-independence groups, along with the TSU, will launch a rally on Feb. 28 to voice our objections to Beijing's anti-secession law. We will work together to advocate making a new constitution and changing the country's official name.
Taipei Times: In terms of the so-called "three wars" China has launched against Taiwan, including a media war, a psychological war and a legal war, the anti-secession law is obviously part of the legal war. Regarding the first-ever non-stop charter flights to and from Taiwan and China that started on Jan 29, do you think the direct flights are part of the media war and psychological war tactics, and that it might be a threshold of Beijing's strategies for facilitating unification? How does the TSU look at the development of the direct flights between Taiwan and China?
Shu: If the charter flights were purely so that taishang [China-based Taiwanese businesspeople] could spend their Lunar New Year vacations in Taiwan, then it would be fine. But that is not the case. Taiwan's press all applauded the charter flights and described them as a joyful and buoyant event and said peace is visible, but is that true? I don't think so. I think the CCP already views Taiwan as its captive. If the direct flights between Taiwan and China were simply for the sake of economic development and had no political element, then I would support them. However, in terms of Taiwan's national security, I think the charter flights have almost disarmed Taiwanese people's psychological defenses against China. I have to say the interests of the taishang or convenience for travelers does not equate with Taiwan's interests. If Beijing did have good intentions toward Taiwan, it wouldn't deploy the nearly 700 missiles it has targeted at Taiwan. In fact, Beijing has been wielding a carrot and a stick toward Taiwan at the same time and Taiwan has to be alert to such a strategy.
Taipei Times: In view of the results of the legislative elections held last December, it seems that the TSU and the DPP did not have a communication channel for discussing campaign strategies or exchanging opinions even though the two parties called each "brothers." What will the TSU do in future elections so that you will be able to continue working with the DPP while avoiding being marginalized by it?
Shu: It is true that communications between the TSU and the DPP were not well structured during the last elections. I don't deny that the campaign strategies of the TSU and the DPP were unsuccessful and even caused failure on both sides. The pan-green camp needs to examine itself.
I think the main reason behind the TSU's failure to increase its legislative seats was that the TSU's seemingly high momentum did not translate into votes. I think it had a lot to do with what the TSU contributed to local electoral districts and that the TSU didn't do a good job in organization and propaganda. The TSU will be sacrificed again working with the DPP under the vote allocation strategy if it doesn't regain its nerve.
If candidates don't serve voters, how is it possible for them to win voters' trust? TSU legislator Huang Tsung-yuan (
Taipei Times: Speaking of former president Lee -- the spiritual leader of the TSU and the most pivotal source of power in the TSU -- has the TSU ever thought about what it would be like and what you would do without former president Lee's influence and help? What will you do to lead the TSU to become "independent" in the post-Lee Teng-hui era?
Shu: It is undeniable that former president Lee was the midwife of the TSU and has served as the TSU's nursemaid since the party was established. [As the party progressed] from toddler to teenager, Lee never stopped offering his care to the TSU. But I admit it will be a real problem for TSU to face if Lee leaves us one day. Lee is already 84 years old and has expended so much in his efforts for the TSU. It is really a lot of pressure on him to work so hard to campaign for the TSU, which makes me worry.
I think each TSU member and candidate should put his or her own feet on the ground and cultivate local connections and devote themselves to serving locally so that they can still do well in the elections without Lee's endorsement. I believe that the TSU's development will be sustainable if each member develops independent fighting power. And this is what I will urge them to do.
TSU members should not always look to Lee's influence and should commit themselves to becoming as influential as Lee. Any political party that only relies on a certain political star is fragile.
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