China's politically powerful vice president stepped down yesterday in a reshuffling of the Chinese Communist Party's leadership, removing a potential challenge to Chinese President Hu Jintao's (〝?党啈) authority.
Closing out a weeklong party congress, delegates selected a new Central Committee, the body that approves leadership positions and sets broad policy goals, with Vice President Zeng Qinghong (嚪杬?) not among those picked.
That means he cannot be in the Politburo or its Standing Committee, the powerful grouping that runs China and is to be approved by the Central Committee today.
Zeng, who had been ranked fifth in the party hierarchy, will retain his vice presidential title until next spring, when government posts are reapportioned.
Aside from Zeng, two other Standing Committee members, the defense minister and two vice premiers were among the more senior officials stepping aside. No reasons were given but all were either over or near the party's preferred, but not mandatory, retirement age of 70.
Their departure, especially that of Zeng, appears to be a boost for Hu, who was reappointed to the Central Committee and is all but certain to be given a second five-year term as party leader. Yet it also raises questions about what deals Hu and his allies may have to had to strike to win Zeng's retirement and whether they may constrain Hu.
Zeng's departure was probably conditioned on the promotion to the Standing Committee of one or more of his own proteges, said Tony Saich, a professor of international affairs at Harvard University.
"If he were to stay on, I think this would be a sign of severe problems among the elite that meant that they could not reach an accommodation," Saich said.
The months leading up to the congress, held once every five years to reallocate leadership posts, saw fractious back-room bargaining.
The result of the tussle will determine how strong or divided the leadership is as it tries to ease tensions over a widening rich-poor gap at home and manage China's rising clout abroad so as not to anger other world powers.
At stake for Hu is the chance to pack leading party bodies with allies, including a potential successor, thereby giving himself a freer hand to shape policies.
Hu, Zeng and all the more than 2,200 delegates stood inside the Great Hall of the People to sing the party anthem, The Internationale, and declare the congress "victoriously closed."
In closing remarks, Hu said he recommitted the party to its "basic line of taking economic development as the central task," and to building a "moderately prosperous society in all respects."
"With the concerted efforts of all delegates, we have held high our banner and carried forward our cause in a truth-seeking and pragmatic manner," Hu said, speaking beneath a massive reproduction of the party's hammer and sickle symbol.
Aside from appointing a 204-member Central Committee, the congress chose the membership of the internal anti-corruption agency, the Central Discipline Inspection Committee.
The congress also revised the party's charter, endorsing a reference to Hu's "scientific outlook on development."
The program, a hallmark of Hu's first five years, has called for increased social spending to help farmers and urban workers whose living standards have not risen as fast as many other Chinese under capitalist economic reforms.
Besides Zeng, other top leaders moving aside were Wu Guanzheng (
Of all leadership members, only Zeng rivaled Hu in political influence. A skilled political insider and the son of a veteran of the revolution, Zeng rose to power as an aide to Hu's predecessor, Jiang Zemin (
Though congress and Central Committee delegates have some influence over leadership decisions, most of the lineup is decided among a core group of the most powerful party members.
Also see Nothing about Hu's comments is flexible
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