The White House’s struggles to negotiate an off-ramp in Iran are a reminder of how crucial skilled diplomacy can be. Yet the US Department of State appears intent on purging and politicizing the ranks of the nation’s top envoys. US Congress has a duty to push back.
Out of 195 ambassadorial postings around the world, more than 110 sat empty as of early last month — including in countries as vital to US interests as Germany and South Korea. About three dozen of those openings were created after US President Donald Trump’s administration abruptly recalled a slew of career diplomats at the end of last year. Traditionally, career foreign-service officers have occupied about two-thirds of available positions, with the rest handed out to political appointees. That proportion has now reversed. Worse: Only six out of the 75 ambassadors nominated by Trump in his second term have been trained diplomats.
The risks of ignoring diplomatic expertise should be self-evident. Nuclear analysts have questioned whether war with Iran might have been averted if the administration had properly understood its initial offer and negotiating strategy. Meanwhile, recent political appointees have offended host governments from Poland to Chile with attacks on local politicians. In an interview with Tucker Carlson, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee outraged the US’ Arab allies by implying Israel should annex a huge swath of the Middle East. French authorities have summoned US Ambassador to France Charles Kushner not once but twice to complain about interference in their domestic affairs.
Even if allies and adversaries understand that Trump is liable to upend policy at any moment, experienced ambassadors still serve an essential function. They can relay local knowledge and insight to inform policymaking in Washington. They can interpret administration actions and calm nerves in foreign capitals, cultivating support for US policies and forestalling resistance. Above all, they can protect Americans abroad: Only four of the 12 US embassies bordering or near Iran had ambassadors in place when war broke out, which helps explain the lack of an evacuation plan for civilians in the region.
If the White House continues down this path, the US’ once-respected diplomatic corps could lose invaluable institutional knowledge and credibility. Boorish behavior would undermine US partnerships and soft power, as happened to China after its “wolf warrior” diplomats provoked a global backlash. Partisanship might start to infect the professional diplomatic corps — which for decades has promoted US policies regardless of party — as officials angle for promotion. The more positions that are left vacant or assigned to donors and flatterers, the more gaps each new administration would have to fill when there is a change in power.
The US president has the right to appoint officials he trusts, but US Congress also has an obligation to ensure the nation’s diplomatic service remains strong and capable. Legislators should press the White House to start nominating career diplomats to fill as many ambassadorships as possible, without asking for their partisan bona fides. Oversight committees should speed along the nominations of experienced diplomats while demanding that political appointees at least demonstrate a modicum of knowledge about their destination and due respect for local cultures and priorities. The career-versus-political balance should be shifted back toward the historical norm.
As long as the US has global interests, it would need skilled diplomats to promote and protect them. US Congress should ensure that network is not crippled from abuse or neglect.
Weeks into the craze, nobody quite knows what to make of the OpenClaw mania sweeping China, marked by viral photos of retirees lining up for installation events and users gathering in red claw hats. The queues and cosplay inspired by the “raising a lobster” trend make for irresistible China clickbait. However, the West is fixating on the least important part of the story. As a consumer craze, OpenClaw — the AI agent designed to do tasks on a user’s behalf — would likely burn out. Without some developer background, it is too glitchy and technically awkward for true mainstream adoption,
On Monday, a group of bipartisan US senators arrived in Taiwan to support the nation’s special defense bill to counter Chinese threats. At the same time, Beijing announced that Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) had invited Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) to visit China, a move to make the KMT a pawn in its proxy warfare against Taiwan and the US. Since her inauguration as KMT chair last year, Cheng, widely seen as a pro-China figure, has made no secret of her desire to interact with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and meet with Xi, naming it a
A delegation of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) officials led by Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) is to travel to China tomorrow for a six-day visit to Jiangsu, Shanghai and Beijing, which might end with a meeting between Cheng and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). The trip was announced by Xinhua news agency on Monday last week, which cited China’s Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) Director Song Tao (宋濤) as saying that Cheng has repeatedly expressed willingness to visit China, and that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee and Xi have extended an invitation. Although some people have been speculating about a potential Xi-Cheng
No state has ever formally recognized the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) as a legal entity. The reason is not a lack of legitimacy — the CTA is a functioning exile government with democratic elections and institutions — but the iron grip of realpolitik. To recognize the CTA would be to challenge the People’s Republic of China’s territorial claims, a step no government has been willing to take given Beijing’s economic leverage and geopolitical weight. Under international law, recognition of governments-in-exile has precedent — from the Polish government during World War II to Kuwait’s exile government in 1990 — but such recognition