Despite calling itself a nation based on human rights, Taiwan continues to let migrant workers remain subject to the pressures of debt, precarity and fear in the workplace. This is not the institutional progress we expect; it is a distortion of our values.
These so-called “ghost workers,” sidelined to the fringes of society, are evidence of what Taiwan still finds to be an uncomfortable reality: Despite being critical to our factories, care systems and daily life, migrant workers pay a much higher price than local workers in accessing basic labor rights, including lodging appeals, resignations and accessing financial relief.
Recent reports have once again illustrated how many migrants, after paying brokerage fees and being saddled with debt, are forced to remain in exploitative situations, working overtime, and dealing with occupational injuries or poor conditions. The question is not whether Taiwan has laws to address this; it is whether the laws are being upheld to protect workers’ rights.
For many of the workers, quitting would mean losing their income while remaining in debt, putting even more pressure on their household finances. For most, this is not a realistic option.
Taiwan needs to reassess how narrowly it thinks about forced labor. It does not only occur in the most extreme fringe cases, but more often comes as institutionally packaged controls: debt burdens, document confiscations, resignation restrictions, abuses of power and costly repercussions for those who file for appeals. The same story is playing out across industry and administrative lines for migrants from a range of countries. This can no longer be dismissed as a handful of isolated cases; root institutional design flaws must finally be acknowledged.
The situation for migrant domestic workers and in-home caregivers must also not be ignored. Taiwan’s long-term care system is under serious strain and families are feeling the pressure, but that cannot be grounds for the flattening of worker protections. It is difficult to exercise oversight for workforces that operate inside private homes in the first place; add to this ill-defined working hours, insufficient breaks and fear about asking for help and the risks only multiply.
Deficiencies in the long-term care sector must be addressed from within, rather than outsourcing their costs to marginalized labor.
The direction for reform is clear:
First, recruitment fees and associated costs can no longer be passed on to workers, and a mechanism to trace, audit and offer compensation for these charges should be established.
Second, the rights of migrant workers to change employers should receive full implementation and protections to ensure that they can leave exploitative situations safely.
Third, mistreated workers who file appeals must be supported in post with resettlement, legal support and transfer options.
Fourth, reforms to migrant domestic worker protections must have a clear timeline; they cannot be put off indefinitely because of in-home care’s unique circumstances. Taiwan’s issue is not that the law is not clear, but that institutions are not working to properly protect the rights and dignity of underprivileged people.
If we use migrant workers to plug labor shortages and then deny them the ability to escape exploitation, it is not just migrant rights under threat, but the very quality of rule of law which Taiwan prides itself on.
Democracy is no slogan, and its bench test is whether society’s most vulnerable people can exercise their basic rights.
Steve Ho is a retired engineer.
Translated by Gilda Knox Streader
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
China last week announced that it picked two Pakistani astronauts for its Tiangong space station mission, indicating the maturation of the two nations’ relationship from terrestrial infrastructure cooperation to extraterrestrial strategic domains. For Taiwan and India, the developments present an opportunity for democratic collaboration in space, particularly regarding dual-use technologies and the normative frameworks for outer space governance. Sino-Pakistani space cooperation dates back to the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, with a cooperative agreement between the Pakistani Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission, and the Chinese Ministry of Aerospace Industry. Space cooperation was integrated into the China-Pakistan