Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman for maritime affairs Rogelio Villanueva on Monday said that Manila’s claims in the South China Sea are backed by international law. Villanueva was responding to a social media post by the Chinese embassy alleging that a former Philippine ambassador in 1990 had written a letter to a German radio operator stating that the Scarborough Shoal (Huangyan Island, 黃岩島) did not fall within Manila’s territory.
“Sovereignty is not merely claimed, it is exercised,” Villanueva said.
The Philippines won a landmark case at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2016 that found China’s sweeping claim of sovereignty in the South China Sea had no basis under international law — a decision that Beijing has consistently rejected. Beijing has occupied a growing number of reefs and shoals in the South China Sea through land reclamation and has militarized several of them, installing radar systems, runways, missile batteries and military ports, among other facilities. Chinese vessels have also regularly used aggressive tactics against Philippine boats sailing near the Scarborough Shoal on supply or patrol missions, including deploying water cannons.
Villanueva’s statement is unlikely to influence Beijing, which is well aware of Manila’s claims and routinely ignores them — just as it has ignored the arbitration ruling. China’s dismissal of the tribunal’s decision demonstrates the limits of legal arguments when they collide with strategic ambitions. Beijing often invokes international conventions when they support its narrative, but dismisses or discredits them when they do not. For example, it frequently says that its claims over Taiwan are supported by UN Resolution 2758. At the same time, it objects to other nations’ naval vessels transiting the Taiwan Strait, which is widely recognized as international waters.
China has no valid basis for claims over features in the South China Sea that lie within the exclusive economic zones of other countries and nearly 1,000km from its coast. Many of these reefs and shoals have long been considered disputed territory and most countries have avoided taking major steps to develop them — to prevent escalation or because they lacked the resources to undertake large-scale reclamation.
Beijing recognizes the economic and strategic value of the region. The waters contain abundant fish stocks and are believed to hold oil and natural gas deposits. It also sits astride one of the world’s most important shipping corridors, making it strategically valuable for naval projection and maritime control. China has proven adept at exploiting these advantages through “gray zone” tactics — activities that fall short of outright military conflict, but gradually change realities on the ground. This approach works largely because most countries prefer to avoid actions that could be seen as escalatory.
However, the reluctance to respond forcefully is what enables such tactics to succeed. Nations in the Indo-Pacific region must demonstrate unity and resolve in responding to China’s actions if they hope to prevent consolidation of control in the South China Sea. Delayed or fragmented responses only give Beijing additional time to strengthen its foothold. Manila is doing what it can, but it is no match for China militarily and therefore requires the support of partners and allies. It is in the broader interest of other countries to assist the Philippines. A heavily entrenched China in the South China Sea could threaten global shipping routes during a crisis — much as tensions affecting the Strait of Hormuz have disrupted energy shipments and sent oil prices surging worldwide.
The Philippines maintains a defense agreement with the US and has allowed US forces access to several bases on Philippine soil in strategically significant locations. If Washington were to fail in supporting Manila’s efforts to defend its maritime rights, Manila might eventually reconsider aspects of its security arrangement with the US.
Countries in the region are responding to China’s expansion and maritime pressure in different ways. The Philippines has become increasingly vocal about harassment by China’s coast guard, releasing videos of confrontations and drawing international attention to the incidents. Vietnam has strengthened its defenses on the features it administers and has sought deeper cooperation with the Philippines, the US and Japan. The US has continued conducting freedom of navigation operations in contested waters, while Japan has supported regional partners through maritime training and equipment assistance.
What remains lacking is a unified framework among Indo-Pacific states that have territorial claims in the South China Sea. A coalition of these countries could coordinate standardized responses to coercive actions, conduct joint freedom of navigation patrols and mount collective maritime monitoring efforts whenever Chinese vessels attempt to intimidate a regional claimant. Countries in the region must stand together in defending the principles of international law and maritime freedom — and those efforts should include Taiwan.
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