Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman for maritime affairs Rogelio Villanueva on Monday said that Manila’s claims in the South China Sea are backed by international law. Villanueva was responding to a social media post by the Chinese embassy alleging that a former Philippine ambassador in 1990 had written a letter to a German radio operator stating that the Scarborough Shoal (Huangyan Island, 黃岩島) did not fall within Manila’s territory.
“Sovereignty is not merely claimed, it is exercised,” Villanueva said.
The Philippines won a landmark case at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2016 that found China’s sweeping claim of sovereignty in the South China Sea had no basis under international law — a decision that Beijing has consistently rejected. Beijing has occupied a growing number of reefs and shoals in the South China Sea through land reclamation and has militarized several of them, installing radar systems, runways, missile batteries and military ports, among other facilities. Chinese vessels have also regularly used aggressive tactics against Philippine boats sailing near the Scarborough Shoal on supply or patrol missions, including deploying water cannons.
Villanueva’s statement is unlikely to influence Beijing, which is well aware of Manila’s claims and routinely ignores them — just as it has ignored the arbitration ruling. China’s dismissal of the tribunal’s decision demonstrates the limits of legal arguments when they collide with strategic ambitions. Beijing often invokes international conventions when they support its narrative, but dismisses or discredits them when they do not. For example, it frequently says that its claims over Taiwan are supported by UN Resolution 2758. At the same time, it objects to other nations’ naval vessels transiting the Taiwan Strait, which is widely recognized as international waters.
China has no valid basis for claims over features in the South China Sea that lie within the exclusive economic zones of other countries and nearly 1,000km from its coast. Many of these reefs and shoals have long been considered disputed territory and most countries have avoided taking major steps to develop them — to prevent escalation or because they lacked the resources to undertake large-scale reclamation.
Beijing recognizes the economic and strategic value of the region. The waters contain abundant fish stocks and are believed to hold oil and natural gas deposits. It also sits astride one of the world’s most important shipping corridors, making it strategically valuable for naval projection and maritime control. China has proven adept at exploiting these advantages through “gray zone” tactics — activities that fall short of outright military conflict, but gradually change realities on the ground. This approach works largely because most countries prefer to avoid actions that could be seen as escalatory.
However, the reluctance to respond forcefully is what enables such tactics to succeed. Nations in the Indo-Pacific region must demonstrate unity and resolve in responding to China’s actions if they hope to prevent consolidation of control in the South China Sea. Delayed or fragmented responses only give Beijing additional time to strengthen its foothold. Manila is doing what it can, but it is no match for China militarily and therefore requires the support of partners and allies. It is in the broader interest of other countries to assist the Philippines. A heavily entrenched China in the South China Sea could threaten global shipping routes during a crisis — much as tensions affecting the Strait of Hormuz have disrupted energy shipments and sent oil prices surging worldwide.
The Philippines maintains a defense agreement with the US and has allowed US forces access to several bases on Philippine soil in strategically significant locations. If Washington were to fail in supporting Manila’s efforts to defend its maritime rights, Manila might eventually reconsider aspects of its security arrangement with the US.
Countries in the region are responding to China’s expansion and maritime pressure in different ways. The Philippines has become increasingly vocal about harassment by China’s coast guard, releasing videos of confrontations and drawing international attention to the incidents. Vietnam has strengthened its defenses on the features it administers and has sought deeper cooperation with the Philippines, the US and Japan. The US has continued conducting freedom of navigation operations in contested waters, while Japan has supported regional partners through maritime training and equipment assistance.
What remains lacking is a unified framework among Indo-Pacific states that have territorial claims in the South China Sea. A coalition of these countries could coordinate standardized responses to coercive actions, conduct joint freedom of navigation patrols and mount collective maritime monitoring efforts whenever Chinese vessels attempt to intimidate a regional claimant. Countries in the region must stand together in defending the principles of international law and maritime freedom — and those efforts should include Taiwan.
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
On Monday, the day before Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) departed on her visit to China, the party released a promotional video titled “Only with peace can we ‘lie flat’” to highlight its desire to have peace across the Taiwan Strait. However, its use of the expression “lie flat” (tang ping, 躺平) drew sarcastic comments, with critics saying it sounded as if the party was “bowing down” to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Amid the controversy over the opposition parties blocking proposed defense budgets, Cheng departed for China after receiving an invitation from the CCP, with a meeting with
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun
The two major opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), jointly announced on Tuesday last week that former TPP lawmaker Chang Chi-kai (張啟楷) would be their joint candidate for Chiayi mayor, following polling conducted earlier this month. It is the first case of blue-white (KMT-TPP) cooperation in selecting a joint candidate under an agreement signed by their chairpersons last month. KMT and TPP supporters have blamed their 2024 presidential election loss on failing to decide on a joint candidate, which ended in a dramatic breakdown with participants pointing fingers, calling polls unfair, sobbing and walking
RSS