You cannot do whatever it takes if you are not big enough to make it stick. In that sense, the Philippines is finding out it is no Mario Draghi, the former Italian prime minister and European Central Bank president.
Turn the clock back to 2022, when the peso was sliding amid epic dollar strength and post-COVID-19 inflation. Then-Philippine secretary of finance Benjamin Diokno was asked if the government would do everything necessary to defend the currency.
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr had instructed him to do precisely that. “Don’t be absent in the market on a daily basis, because people might interpret that to mean we are letting go,” he said enthusiastically.
That was considered a statement of resolve for the Southeast Asian country on the order of the European Central Bank president’s line-in-the-sand vow in 2012 to do “whatever it takes” to save the euro during the bloc’s sovereign debt crisis. It has become something of a holy writ that officials — anywhere — like to invoke when they are in a tight spot and want to communicate effectively.
The Philippines is finding itself in such a situation. The currency is again sagging, and this time, authorities have skipped a vigorous pushback. In effect, they have lost their inner Draghi.
The peso fell to a record low last week, dropping below 59 pesos to the US dollar. In response, the Philippine central bank said it would not stand in the way of investors and would let markets do their thing. The bank would cushion the fall should it become extreme.
That is a fairly unremarkable stance on the face of it, but it unmasks the previous bluff. The Philippines does not have the firepower of the euro zone, the US or Japan to repel traders who wish to sell.
“Whatever it takes” has become an arresting phrase to let people know you mean business. That can work when you are the euro zone, an economy that includes about 350 million of the world’s wealthiest citizens with a combined GDP of about US$17 trillion.
What is less well-remembered is Draghi’s next sentence: “And believe me, it will be enough.”
Declaring the defense of arbitrary numbers is a dangerous game. Draghi knew that and was careful not to.
So did former US secretary of the treasury Robert Rubin, who developed the strong-dollar mantra that dominated discourse since the 1990s. The global foreign-exchange market has swollen to US$9.6 trillion a day, almost twice its size in the Draghi era and gargantuan compared with the Rubin period.
While reserves stood at a reasonably solid US$109 billion in September, the Philippines is not playing in the same league. The republic is home to just more than 112 million people and is saddled with lower-middle income status and GDP in the vicinity of US$450 billion.
Three years ago, the defense of the peso might have benefited more from luck than talking tough. The greenback was on a tear. Japan had just waded into the market to support the yen, the first such step in a generation, and a slide in the pound forced out a prime minister.
The culprit behind the muscular dollar was the US Federal Reserve’s aggressive rate hikes. Some of the steam went out of the currency after a top Fed policymaker said the hikes would not be so rapid — or the extent so great — that financial stability would be jeopardized. That calmed things down. Manila and other emerging markets could breathe easier.
Now, the archipelago is largely on its own. Most Asian currencies have notched gains against the dollar this year. Only the peso, the Indian rupee and the rupiah are down. The Fed is cutting rates.
There are not concerns about broader market instability, save for some persistent worries that US President Donald Trump wants to rewrite the international trading system with tariffs, and perfunctory tut-tutting about the danger of an investment bubble in artificial intelligence.
After a swoon in April, the dollar has steadied.
Ultimately, a currency’s value is determined by the underlying performance of a country’s economy and borrowing costs — not just the level, but direction, and comparison with peers.
In August, the Philippine central bank Governor Eli Remolona declared his rates were in a “Goldilocks” state — neither too tight nor unjustifiably loose. So it was a surprise when he eased this month. Officials have indicated that there might be more to come.
What has prompted the shift? The likely cause is allegations of widespread misuse of billions of dollars for flood-control projects. The scandal weighs on the country’s growth prospects and, in turn, has rattled investor confidence.
The fracas is also likely to erode political support for substantial fiscal stimulus, meaning that the central bank has more work to do. That adds to pressure for additional rate cuts, which might chip away at support for the peso.
The bank is not pledging to be entirely hands off, nor is Manila suddenly bereft of support. The government took care to build reserves, which it can deploy judiciously. Remittances from the legions of Filipinos working overseas — one of the economy’s mainstays — ought to prevent a peso collapse.
While growth would probably slacken in response to US tariffs, the economy is unlikely to grind to a halt. Capital inflows from Filipinos working abroad tend to peak toward the end of the year.
There is no question this is an uncomfortable moment for the Philippines. However, there is already a lesson. The Draghi play works if you are big enough to dictate to the market, and only when the stakes are so high that an epic mishap awaits if you do not truly do whatever it takes.
Daniel Moss is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Asian economies. Previously, he was executive editor for economics at Bloomberg News. This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
The government and local industries breathed a sigh of relief after Shin Kong Life Insurance Co last week said it would relinquish surface rights for two plots in Taipei’s Beitou District (北投) to Nvidia Corp. The US chip-design giant’s plan to expand its local presence will be crucial for Taiwan to safeguard its core role in the global artificial intelligence (AI) ecosystem and to advance the nation’s AI development. The land in dispute is owned by the Taipei City Government, which in 2021 sold the rights to develop and use the two plots of land, codenamed T17 and T18, to the
US President Donald Trump has announced his eagerness to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong-un while in South Korea for the APEC summit. That implies a possible revival of US-North Korea talks, frozen since 2019. While some would dismiss such a move as appeasement, renewed US engagement with North Korea could benefit Taiwan’s security interests. The long-standing stalemate between Washington and Pyongyang has allowed Beijing to entrench its dominance in the region, creating a myth that only China can “manage” Kim’s rogue nation. That dynamic has allowed Beijing to present itself as an indispensable power broker: extracting concessions from Washington, Seoul
Taiwan’s labor force participation rate among people aged 65 or older was only 9.9 percent for 2023 — far lower than in other advanced countries, Ministry of Labor data showed. The rate is 38.3 percent in South Korea, 25.7 percent in Japan and 31.5 percent in Singapore. On the surface, it might look good that more older adults in Taiwan can retire, but in reality, it reflects policies that make it difficult for elderly people to participate in the labor market. Most workplaces lack age-friendly environments, and few offer retraining programs or flexible job arrangements for employees older than 55. As
Donald Trump’s return to the White House has offered Taiwan a paradoxical mix of reassurance and risk. Trump’s visceral hostility toward China could reinforce deterrence in the Taiwan Strait. Yet his disdain for alliances and penchant for transactional bargaining threaten to erode what Taiwan needs most: a reliable US commitment. Taiwan’s security depends less on US power than on US reliability, but Trump is undermining the latter. Deterrence without credibility is a hollow shield. Trump’s China policy in his second term has oscillated wildly between confrontation and conciliation. One day, he threatens Beijing with “massive” tariffs and calls China America’s “greatest geopolitical