For the past few years, China has been proud of its efforts to promote China’s digital yuan (e-CNY). Armed with advanced technology, China believed e-CNY could help realize the internationalization of the yuan, and as a result, China wholeheartedly backed e-CNY, aimed at replacing cash, as well as m-Bridge, used to conduct cross-border payments.
However, the US has passed the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for US Stablecoins Act. The bill disrupts the “status quo” of global currencies and payments, and it could also negatively affect China’s e-CNY campaign.
The e-CNY was supposed to replace cash. Since its trial in 2019, local governments in China have given cash handouts, hosted promotional campaigns, and even paid their employees’ wages and bonuses with e-CNY, all in an effort to boost its coverage.
Yet, as the user experience is no different from Alipay and WeChat Pay, people only use e-CNY during sales. We can see that as discounts dry up, e-CNY also loses its currency.
Things are not going smoothly for m-Bridge either. Western nations sought to sanction Iran and Russia by ejecting them from the global banking messaging network SWIFT. While this move devastated the two nations’ balance of payment, it also alarmed China.
To soften the blow China might be dealt when Western nations impose an economic blockade, China had been enthusiastic about its m-Bridge project. Initially, members of the project included Hong Kong, Thailand and the United Arab Emirates; at its peak, m-Bridge boasted 26 nations and organizations. However, the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) in April last year launched Project Agora and it withdrew from m-Bridge in October last year.
While the BIS explicitly stated that its withdrawal had nothing to do with the project failing or political reasons, it is widely believed the departure was due to the geopolitical concerns of Western nations; that is to say, it was trickier for m-Bridge to reach a consensus between its members than to solve the technical issues.
At June’s Lujiazui Forum, former People’s Bank of China (PBOC) governor Zhou Xiaochuan (周小川) and PBOC Governor Pan Gongsheng (潘功勝) both emphasized the importance of stablecoins. They believe stablecoins would reinforce US dollar hegemony, provide a lifeline for volatile US government debt, bring about revolutionary changes to cross-border payments and pose a major threat to the China-backed m-Bridge project.
The e-CNY is the fruit of China’s hard work over the past few years and it has attained numerous milestone achievements, but its success is at risk of being superseded by stablecoins. China is facing a dilemma: Should Beijing swallow its pride and abandon e-CNY, or should it continue defending the work that has already been done?
As the enemy breaches its line of defense, we must ask if e-CNY is to become another Maginot line.
Honda Chen is a senior researcher at the Taiwan Academy of Banking and Finance.
Translated by Cayce Pan
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In a recent essay, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” a former adviser to US President Donald Trump, Christian Whiton, accuses Taiwan of diplomatic incompetence — claiming Taipei failed to reach out to Trump, botched trade negotiations and mishandled its defense posture. Whiton’s narrative overlooks a fundamental truth: Taiwan was never in a position to “win” Trump’s favor in the first place. The playing field was asymmetrical from the outset, dominated by a transactional US president on one side and the looming threat of Chinese coercion on the other. From the outset of his second term, which began in January, Trump reaffirmed his
It is difficult not to agree with a few points stated by Christian Whiton in his article, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” and yet the main idea is flawed. I am a Polish journalist who considers Taiwan her second home. I am conservative, and I might disagree with some social changes being promoted in Taiwan right now, especially the push for progressiveness backed by leftists from the West — we need to clean up our mess before blaming the Taiwanese. However, I would never think that those issues should dominate the West’s judgement of Taiwan’s geopolitical importance. The question is not whether
In 2025, it is easy to believe that Taiwan has always played a central role in various assessments of global national interests. But that is a mistaken belief. Taiwan’s position in the world and the international support it presently enjoys are relatively new and remain highly vulnerable to challenges from China. In the early 2000s, the George W. Bush Administration had plans to elevate bilateral relations and to boost Taiwan’s defense. It designated Taiwan as a non-NATO ally, and in 2001 made available to Taiwan a significant package of arms to enhance the island’s defenses including the submarines it long sought.