As China’s fiscal conditions worsen, a scandal at the Shaolin Temple has ignited a debate over who owns the monastic institution’s cultural heritage and how to commercialize the world-famous brand.
Authorities are investigating Shi Yongxin (釋永信), the long-time abbot of the monastery at the foot of a mountain peak in central China’s Henan Province, on suspicions of embezzlement, maintaining “improper relations” with women, and fathering at least one child. Companies linked to Shi, nicknamed the “CEO monk,” were deregistered and his Buddhist credentials revoked by the Buddhist Association of China, the national governing body for Buddhist affairs.
Bloomberg News was unable to reach Shi. In a statement on Sunday, the temple confirmed that Shi was under investigation and said “relevant information will be disclosed to the public promptly.” Authorities have not concluded whether any inappropriate activity has taken place.
This is not the first time Shi’s conduct has been questioned. In 2015, a whistle-blower accused Shi of similar misconduct, including maintaining mistresses and owning luxury cars. All charges were dropped in 2017. It is interesting that similar allegations are resurfacing.
Shi is credited for turning around Shaolin financially. When he joined in 1981 as a 16-year-old, the monastery was in a dilapidated state, having just survived the Cultural Revolution. Now, Shaolin monks are far from impoverished. The temple has been transformed into a money-making machine, producing films, selling medicines and opening martial arts schools overseas.
Over the years, the abbot had plenty of run-ins with local authorities over what he saw belonged to the monks. In 2009, he objected to a plan to list on the stock exchange assets in Songshan, the mountain range where the temple is located, because he did not want Shaolin to be bundled with other scenic spots. In 2014, the monastery sued the provincial government of Henan for breaching a revenue-sharing agreement over entrance ticket sales.
“How much money can monks spend?” an official fumed.
At the heart of the clashes is who gets to manage — and benefit — from the Shaolin brand, simultaneously spiritual and cool with the dual practices of Zen Buddhism and kung fu. In the early 1980s, Beijing allowed religious groups to self-fund through whatever means to upkeep their establishments and returned religious properties seized over previous decades.
Religion, it turns out, is big business, and many want to share that uncommon prosperity.
To some extent, Shi is a victim of his own success. He is a social media influencer. He is not shy about starting lawsuits. He has set up a labyrinth of corporate entities to monetize the Shaolin brand. He even dabbled in real estate development, spending US$71 million at a land auction in 2022. That prompted some netizens and newspaper editorials to argue that monks should not be so engaged with worldly affairs. Shi had argued for engagement in the secular world to preserve and spread Shaolin culture.
What is wrong with having an earthly abbot? In modern corporate finance terms, Shi is a management monk, who takes the issue of money off the table so his colleagues could focus on more ethereal things, such as meditation and kung fu practice, which require focus and concentration. As to whether he ignored the celibacy required by Buddhism, public opinion could be forgiving. Traditional Chinese literature has plenty of well-liked monk characters who eat meat, drink wine and have sex.
Ownership is becoming a hot topic in China. Two high-profile cases, the inheritance dispute at Hangzhou Wahaha Group, one of China’s largest beverage empires, and the Shaolin scandal, center around who should have control and say over billion-dollar brands.
In the early 1980s, intent on opening up and reforming the economy, Beijing hurriedly passed regulations that gave private citizens and non-profit entities room to experiment and explore capitalism. Decades later, loopholes are starting to bubble up. Controversies around the world-famous Shaolin Temple would not end with the removal of its outspoken abbot.
Shuli Ren is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Asian markets. A former investment banker, she was a markets reporter for Barron’s. She is a CFA charterholder. This column reflects the personal views of the author and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
Yesterday’s recall and referendum votes garnered mixed results for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). All seven of the KMT lawmakers up for a recall survived the vote, and by a convincing margin of, on average, 35 percent agreeing versus 65 percent disagreeing. However, the referendum sponsored by the KMT and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on restarting the operation of the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant in Pingtung County failed. Despite three times more “yes” votes than “no,” voter turnout fell short of the threshold. The nation needs energy stability, especially with the complex international security situation and significant challenges regarding
Most countries are commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II with condemnations of militarism and imperialism, and commemoration of the global catastrophe wrought by the war. On the other hand, China is to hold a military parade. According to China’s state-run Xinhua news agency, Beijing is conducting the military parade in Tiananmen Square on Sept. 3 to “mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II and the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.” However, during World War II, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had not yet been established. It
Much like the first round on July 26, Saturday’s second wave of recall elections — this time targeting seven Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers — also failed. With all 31 KMT legislators who faced recall this summer secure in their posts, the mass recall campaign has come to an end. The outcome was unsurprising. Last month’s across-the-board defeats had already dealt a heavy blow to the morale of recall advocates and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), while bolstering the confidence of the KMT and its ally the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). It seemed a foregone conclusion that recalls would falter, as
Many foreigners, particularly Germans, are struck by the efficiency of Taiwan’s administration in routine matters. Driver’s licenses, household registrations and similar procedures are handled swiftly, often decided on the spot, and occasionally even accompanied by preferential treatment. However, this efficiency does not extend to all areas of government. Any foreigner with long-term residency in Taiwan — just like any Taiwanese — would have encountered the opposite: agencies, most notably the police, refusing to accept complaints and sending applicants away at the counter without consideration. This kind of behavior, although less common in other agencies, still occurs far too often. Two cases