At last year’s Shangri-La Dialogue security forum in Singapore, held a week after the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) “Joint Sword-2024A” military exercises to “punish” Taiwan’s newly inaugurated president, Chinese Minister of National Defense Dong Jun (董軍) attempted to persuade the audience that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the PLA stood for peace and dialogue. He managed to do it with a straight face.
Then-US secretary of defense Lloyd Austin referenced “bullying or coercion” by certain regional players, but he did not mention China by name. Neither did Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr when he spoke of the South China Sea maritime disputes. They were trying to reduce regional tensions, not exacerbate them. Yet the maritime disputes continue, as does the PLA’s military intimidation in the Taiwan Strait and around the first island chain.
In an editorial about last year’s forum (“China’s Shangri-La diatribe,” June 6, 2024, page 8), the Taipei Times said it was time that China was called out more explicitly for its behavior. Speaking on Saturday at this year’s forum, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth did just that.
Dong was absent, so he would not have heard in person Hegseth call China out for its “gray zone” activities in the region, or how every day the PLA harasses Taiwan. He would not have heard Hegseth say how the US is “reorienting toward deterring aggression by communist China,” how it is closely monitoring China’s destabilizing actions or how “any unilateral attempt to change the status quo in the South China Sea and the first island chain by force or coercion is unacceptable.” He would not have heard Hegseth say that US President Donald Trump has determined that “communist China will not invade Taiwan on his watch.”
Dong last year called for the US to withdraw from the Indo-Pacific region. On Saturday, Hegseth went to great lengths to establish the US as an Indo-Pacific nation. He noted Dong’s absence from the forum this year, saying that “as a matter of fact, we are here this morning, and somebody else isn’t.” The comment was not a cheap shot, it was used to contrast his presence with Dong’s no-show, and that, as an Indo-Pacific nation, the US is committed to maintaining a presence in the region, an obvious reference to Dong’s comments about the US leaving the region to China and ASEAN.
Far from painting a copacetic picture of complacency, Hegseth was outlining the practical costs of preparation as a bulwark against the unthinkable human costs of potential conflict in the Indo-Pacific region. He was building a theme of the need to work together with regional allies to ensure a stable, prosperous and peaceful world. He was also crystal clear about who the neighborhood bully was and of the evidence of its malevolent intent.
Pushing back against accusations of US abandonment of allies in Europe, Hegseth reframed the widely shared perception of abandonment as “tough love, but love nonetheless.” That was a necessary, if rather unconvincing, device to lead into his theme of bolstering cooperation with allies in the region. To push back against concerns over US isolationism, he qualified “the Indo-Pacific” with the phrase “our priority theater,” not once, but twice.
Insisting that Trump and the US have “an immense respect for the Chinese people and their civilization,” his use of the adjective “communist” was telling. Taiwanese, too, should be aware of the importance of distinguishing between Chinese and Chinese civilization, on one side of the equation, and the CCP on the other, especially today, the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre of June 4, 1989.
On May 7, 1971, Henry Kissinger planned his first, ultra-secret mission to China and pondered whether it would be better to meet his Chinese interlocutors “in Pakistan where the Pakistanis would tape the meeting — or in China where the Chinese would do the taping.” After a flicker of thought, he decided to have the Chinese do all the tape recording, translating and transcribing. Fortuitously, historians have several thousand pages of verbatim texts of Dr. Kissinger’s negotiations with his Chinese counterparts. Paradoxically, behind the scenes, Chinese stenographers prepared verbatim English language typescripts faster than they could translate and type them
More than 30 years ago when I immigrated to the US, applied for citizenship and took the 100-question civics test, the one part of the naturalization process that left the deepest impression on me was one question on the N-400 form, which asked: “Have you ever been a member of, involved in or in any way associated with any communist or totalitarian party anywhere in the world?” Answering “yes” could lead to the rejection of your application. Some people might try their luck and lie, but if exposed, the consequences could be much worse — a person could be fined,
Xiaomi Corp founder Lei Jun (雷軍) on May 22 made a high-profile announcement, giving online viewers a sneak peek at the company’s first 3-nanometer mobile processor — the Xring O1 chip — and saying it is a breakthrough in China’s chip design history. Although Xiaomi might be capable of designing chips, it lacks the ability to manufacture them. No matter how beautifully planned the blueprints are, if they cannot be mass-produced, they are nothing more than drawings on paper. The truth is that China’s chipmaking efforts are still heavily reliant on the free world — particularly on Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing
On May 13, the Legislative Yuan passed an amendment to Article 6 of the Nuclear Reactor Facilities Regulation Act (核子反應器設施管制法) that would extend the life of nuclear reactors from 40 to 60 years, thereby providing a legal basis for the extension or reactivation of nuclear power plants. On May 20, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) legislators used their numerical advantage to pass the TPP caucus’ proposal for a public referendum that would determine whether the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant should resume operations, provided it is deemed safe by the authorities. The Central Election Commission (CEC) has