Former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte was arrested when he returned to Manila from Hong Kong and was transferred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, Netherlands, for crimes under the Rome Statute. Such an act seems to be the realization of international justice, but it also highlights the difficulties in prosecuting human rights violators.
In 1998, more than 100 countries ratified the Rome Statute, and in 2002, the ICC was established in The Hague as the institution to investigate international crimes. The biggest difference between the Rome Statute and traditional international conventions is that it shifts accountability for international crimes such as aggression, war, human rights violations and genocide from state compensation to criminal punishment of natural persons, in order to prevent butchers from hiding behind government machinery and avoid accountability.
Since those who violate human rights must be in high positions in the country, it is not easy to find written evidence of ordering massacres. Therefore, Article 28 of the Rome Statute stipulates that if there is a superior and subordinate relationship where superiors give orders to subordinates and they are aware of the atrocities committed by their subordinates, but fail to exercise control properly over such subordinates, they would be held accountable. This is to prevent those in high positions from hiding behind the scenes to evade legal sanctions.
Moreover, according to paragraph 2 of Article 33, subordinate civil servants have no obligation to obey superior orders that are against humanity. If they obey and carry out the orders, they cannot be exempted from responsibility by claiming that they were only following orders. All these regulations are to prevent offenders from shirking responsibility.
After Duterte took office in 2016, he launched a large-scale anti-drug campaign and authorized the police to shoot those who resisted arrest without trial, resulting in thousands of deaths. The ICC hence issued an arrest warrant for Duterte in 2019 for crimes against humanity. He was arrested by Philippine police on March 12 and transferred to the ICC, so that the Rome Statute would not become empty talk.
However, the arrest also exposed a fundamental problem: In the absence of enforcement, prosecution of international crimes relies on the active cooperation of the relevant countries.
Therefore, if the criminals still hold high positions, no matter how many arrest warrants are issued, it is unlikely to help. The arrest warrant for Duterte was issued as early as in 2019, why did the Philippine government only execute it now? Imagine if Duterte still had a harmonious relationship with Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr, it is doubtful whether he would be arrested.
The same could be applied to Russian President Vladimir Putin. The ICC issued an arrest warrant for Putin at the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, but Russia withdrew from the Rome Statute in 2016. Putin is still president and his regime is stable.
Now, with US President Donald Trump’s mediation, Russia and Ukraine are engaged in ceasefire negotiations. The ICC’s desire to hold Putin accountable seems even more like a vain hope.
Wu Ching-chin is a professor and chair of Aletheia University’s Department of Law.
Translated by Lin Lee-kai
In the first year of his second term, US President Donald Trump continued to shake the foundations of the liberal international order to realize his “America first” policy. However, amid an atmosphere of uncertainty and unpredictability, the Trump administration brought some clarity to its policy toward Taiwan. As expected, bilateral trade emerged as a major priority for the new Trump administration. To secure a favorable trade deal with Taiwan, it adopted a two-pronged strategy: First, Trump accused Taiwan of “stealing” chip business from the US, indicating that if Taipei did not address Washington’s concerns in this strategic sector, it could revisit its Taiwan
In a stark reminder of China’s persistent territorial overreach, Pema Wangjom Thongdok, a woman from Arunachal Pradesh holding an Indian passport, was detained for 18 hours at Shanghai Pudong Airport on Nov. 24 last year. Chinese immigration officials allegedly informed her that her passport was “invalid” because she was “Chinese,” refusing to recognize her Indian citizenship and claiming Arunachal Pradesh as part of South Tibet. Officials had insisted that Thongdok, an Indian-origin UK resident traveling for a conference, was not Indian despite her valid documents. India lodged a strong diplomatic protest, summoning the Chinese charge d’affaires in Delhi and demanding
Immediately after the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) “Justice Mission” exercise at the end of last year, a question was posed to Indian Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal regarding recent developments involving the exercises around Taiwan, and how he viewed their impact on regional peace and stability. His answer was somewhat perplexing to me as a curious student of Taiwanese affairs. “India closely follows developments across the Indo-Pacific region,” he said, adding: “We have an abiding interest in peace and stability in the region, in view of our significant trade, economic, people-to-people, and maritime interests. We urge all concerned
In the past 72 hours, US Senators Roger Wicker, Dan Sullivan and Ruben Gallego took to social media to publicly rebuke the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) over the defense budget. I understand that Taiwan’s head is on the chopping block, and the urgency of its security situation cannot be overstated. However, the comments from Wicker, Sullivan and Gallego suggest they have fallen victim to a sophisticated disinformation campaign orchestrated by an administration in Taipei that treats national security as a partisan weapon. The narrative fed to our allies claims the opposition is slashing the defense budget to kowtow to the Chinese