For the past few weeks, the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and its Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) have been embroiled in a series of scandals related to irregularities in their presidential campaign financial reporting. These scandals continue to expand as more evidence surfaces, raising more questions about the party’s financial propriety and competency.
These irregularities include unusually high spending, allegedly accepting donations from abroad, reporting 97.3 percent of personal donations as “cash,” making large payments to marketing firms with close ties to the party and accounting errors.
When the financial irregularities were first reported, the party blamed it on “arbitrary misconduct” by their accountant Tuanmu Cheng (端木正). However, later they blamed their chief financial officer Lee Wen-tsung (李文宗) for mismanagement. The two were expelled from the party on Tuesday last week.
TPP Legislator Vivian Huang (黃珊珊), Ko’s campaign manager, was also blamed by some party members for her poor supervision.
Huang called the irregularities in their financial reporting “unimaginable errors,” but she was only suspended from her party positions and is now tasked with dealing with the aftermath.
Throughout the crisis, Ko has denied knowing anything about the seriously flawed financial records, despite the Control Yuan having confirmed that it received Ko’s campaign financial report on April 7 and returned it the next day due to an obvious discrepancy.
Ko did not apologize until Friday, and only said he should not have “trusted a classmate who I have known for 50 years,” using Lee, who was Ko’s high-school classmate, to deflect any responsibility.
However, while Ko has used Tuanmu, Lee and Huang to insulate his reputation from the financial disclosure scandals, his wife, Peggy Chen (陳佩琪), unwittingly added fuel to the political firestorm.
On Facebook, Chen said she registered a company in her son’s name to open a coffee shop for the “little grasses” (小草, Ko’s younger supporters). However, after Ko said they only gave their son money to register his own business, Chen later deleted the Facebook post and changed her statement to align it with Ko’s.
To make matters worse, local Chinese-language media reported on Tuesday that Chen recently visited, with a view to possibly buying, a NT$120 million (US$3.75 million) luxury apartment in Taipei, leading to speculation about how the family could afford it.
At a time when the TPP is facing intense scrutiny over its opaque financial dealings, accusations of mismanagement, and allegations about false reporting and fraud, the visit did not help Ko in his efforts to project a clean image to the public.
As the central bank stipulates that banks can only grant a maximum mortgage of 40 percent of the total price for luxury housing units (above NT$80 million in Taipei), Ko would need to have more than NT$70 to be able to afford the apartment Chen visited. However, Ko’s personal financial disclosure report last year showed the couple had only about NT$24.6 million in savings.
Ko has often said that he lacks funding, and was forced to put his home up for collateral to secure a NT$20 million loan to fund his 2018 mayoral re-election.
He has also called for “housing justice” to win support from young people.
Many pundits have said that Chen’s luxury apartment search might damage Ko’s reputation more than the scandals, as it contradicts the image he presents to the public and the values he claims to hold.
They say that it would be more deeply felt by his younger supporters, who are likely struggling to buy a home for themselves and might now be wondering where their donations to the TPP ended up.
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
A report by the US-based Jamestown Foundation on Tuesday last week warned that China is operating illegal oil drilling inside Taiwan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Island (Dongsha, 東沙群島), marking a sharp escalation in Beijing’s “gray zone” tactics. The report said that, starting in July, state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corp installed 12 permanent or semi-permanent oil rig structures and dozens of associated ships deep inside Taiwan’s EEZ about 48km from the restricted waters of Pratas Island in the northeast of the South China Sea, islands that are home to a Taiwanese garrison. The rigs not only typify
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic
RSS