The Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) path to a “nuclear-free homeland” has been a long one. The party is now turning a corner, unsure of the road ahead.
The removal of nuclear power from Taiwan’s energy mix has been a part of the DPP’s energy policy right from its first administration, with then-president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) decision to halt construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in 2000.
Former president Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) suggested the adoption of the nuclear-free homeland policy in 2011 during her first presidential campaign. Her idea was to allow the completion of the fourth plant, but not enable it to go into commercial operation, and for the other three nuclear power plants to be decommissioned at the end of their operational life by next year, with no extensions.
In 2011, 2025 still seemed far off. Tsai lost that election to then-president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and would not initiate the non-nuclear policy until she became president in 2016. There was still just under a decade to go then, but the clock was ticking.
The road ahead looks conspicuously shorter now and the nation’s energy needs are changing with the increased importance of chip manufacturing and the anticipated growth of artificial intelligence, both of which are energy-intensive. Chip manufacturing requires a steady energy supply and any interruption in the manufacturing process has knock-on effects on the international supply chain.
The public was generally on board with the DPP’s non-nuclear policy, especially after the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear power plant disaster and tsunami in Japan in March 2011.
Just as Japan cannot escape its geological realities, neither can Taiwan, being in an earthquake zone, with people concentrated in densely populated areas near its nuclear power plants. The question is how to balance geological reality, public safety, energy needs and economic policy with the DPP’s nuclear policy, as well as the threat of climate change and the government’s commitment to zero carbon emissions by 2050.
There is a change in the mood on transitioning to a nuclear-free nation, not just among the public, but also among academics and experts, and even within the DPP itself.
President William Lai (賴清德) on Thursday last week convened the first meeting of the National Climate Change Response Committee. He said that the “nuclear-free homeland” was not an ideological stance that the DPP is necessarily wedded to, and that he is willing to take a science-based practical approach to Taiwan’s energy mix needs with regards to the nation’s economy, industry, public interest and national security. Lai also specified that any changes would require social consensus, taking into account nuclear safety and the disposal of nuclear waste.
Lai invited former Academia Sinica president Lee Yuan-tseh (李遠哲) — who agrees with proposals to continue using nuclear energy and that “the potential disasters that it could bring cannot compare with the complete destruction of the human race” — as a consultant and Pegatron Corp chief executive officer Tung Tzu-hsien (童子賢) to serve as deputy convener of the committee. Tung has called for an extension to operations at the Jinshan and Guosheng nuclear power plants in New Taipei City, and having nuclear power supplement the energy mix until renewable energy sources are mature enough to supplant it. He is an example of someone who has changed his position on the nuclear issue, saying that 30 years ago he was also opposed to nuclear power, but now believes, as Lee does, that global warming is the more pressing issue.
There will continue to be disagreements between groups on either side of the nuclear power debate. However, there should also be questions about why this debate is only happening now, so near to 2025.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
After “Operation Absolute Resolve” to capture former Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro, the US joined Israel on Saturday last week in launching “Operation Epic Fury” to remove Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his theocratic regime leadership team. The two blitzes are widely believed to be a prelude to US President Donald Trump changing the geopolitical landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, targeting China’s rise. In the National Security Strategic report released in December last year, the Trump administration made it clear that the US would focus on “restoring American pre-eminence in the Western hemisphere,” and “competing with China economically and militarily