During his recent visit to Taiwan to attend President William Lai’s (賴清德) inauguration, former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo said that the US should build up its friends, including Taiwan, in the Indo-Pacific region as well as their security capability to deter China from its attempts to nibble away at the territory of its neighbors.
Pompeo is a vocal critic of the expansionist tendencies of communist China. Besides Taiwan, which has been a vanguard of democracy in the Indo-Pacific, India has also been bearing the brunt of Chinese expansionism since its independence in 1947.
After China transgressed into the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control in May 2020, Pompeo, then the US secretary of state with the administration of then-US president Donald Trump, voiced concern during his visit to New Delhi to participate in the 2+2 Dialogue between the two countries.
Although the Indo-US relationship has its imperatives in terms of shared values of democracy, the Chinese threat has given added traction to increased defense cooperation between them. In the initial years of its independence, India did not forge strong strategic cooperation with the US due to its non-alignment policy, which was tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. However, a Chinese attack in 1962 prompted then-Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru to ask then-US president John F. Kennedy to provide arms and necessary support to meet the Chinese threat, with Kennedy obliging.
The Chinese attack opened a new chapter in India’s foreign policy and India’s security architecture with the US. The Bangladesh War of 1971, in which India was directly involved, and India’s nuclear explosions in 1974 and 1998, however, temporarily interrupted India’s relationship with the US. India’s rise as an economic and IT power coupled with the disillusionment of the US with China in the 2000s nudged the US to have a fresh look at India.
History came full circle when then-Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, speaking at the Asia Society in New York in 2003, described the US as a “natural ally” of India, an adage that was accorded to the former Soviet Union during the era of the non-alignment movement.
A turning point in bilateral relations was the announcement of the “Next Steps in Strategic Partnership” in January 2004. A milestone was the signing of the Indo-US Nuclear Deal or 123 Agreement in 2008 after protracted negotiation.
A major step in the defense cooperation between India and the US was the launching of the Defense Trade Technology Initiative in 2015. After 12 years of discussion, the two sides agreed on a Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) in August 2016.
LEMOA is a tweaked version of the standard logistics cooperation agreement that the US military has entered into with a dozen countries. The agreement enables naval ships and aircraft to dock in each others’ bases for refuelling and similar purposes.
It was in this backdrop that the US in a strategic gesture renamed the Pacific Command as the Indo-Pacific Command in June 2018 in a clear message to China.
In September of the same year, the two countries signed the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) at the 2+2 Dialogue in New Delhi. COMCASA enables the Indian military to get a better picture of the Indian border region, which has witnessed Chinese activities in recent times.
In yet another boost to their defense cooperation, India and the US signed the Industrial Security Annex (INA) in Washington in December 2019. The INA facilitates the exchange of classified military information between the two sides. Taking the defense cooperation to still greater heights India and the US signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement in October 2020 in the wake of a bloody clash between Chinese and Indian forces in May.
It is expected that after the new government is formed in India next month and the new US administration is chosen later this year, India-US defense cooperation is poised to be strengthened to cope with China’s belligerence, no matter who comes to power in Washington and New Delhi.
Rup Narayan Das is a former senior fellow of the Monohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, and a Taiwan Fellow in 2022.
The gutting of Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Asia (RFA) by US President Donald Trump’s administration poses a serious threat to the global voice of freedom, particularly for those living under authoritarian regimes such as China. The US — hailed as the model of liberal democracy — has the moral responsibility to uphold the values it champions. In undermining these institutions, the US risks diminishing its “soft power,” a pivotal pillar of its global influence. VOA Tibetan and RFA Tibetan played an enormous role in promoting the strong image of the US in and outside Tibet. On VOA Tibetan,
Sung Chien-liang (宋建樑), the leader of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) efforts to recall Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Lee Kun-cheng (李坤城), caused a national outrage and drew diplomatic condemnation on Tuesday after he arrived at the New Taipei City District Prosecutors’ Office dressed in a Nazi uniform. Sung performed a Nazi salute and carried a copy of Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf as he arrived to be questioned over allegations of signature forgery in the recall petition. The KMT’s response to the incident has shown a striking lack of contrition and decency. Rather than apologizing and distancing itself from Sung’s actions,
US President Trump weighed into the state of America’s semiconductor manufacturing when he declared, “They [Taiwan] stole it from us. They took it from us, and I don’t blame them. I give them credit.” At a prior White House event President Trump hosted TSMC chairman C.C. Wei (魏哲家), head of the world’s largest and most advanced chip manufacturer, to announce a commitment to invest US$100 billion in America. The president then shifted his previously critical rhetoric on Taiwan and put off tariffs on its chips. Now we learn that the Trump Administration is conducting a “trade investigation” on semiconductors which
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then