Climate change continues to ravage Africa, which is enduring extreme weather and natural disasters on an unprecedented scale. My own country, Kenya, has just emerged from its longest drought on record, only to suffer devastating floods, which have killed 289 people and affected more than 800,000. Meanwhile, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe recently experienced a severe drought that exposed millions of people to hunger, and the Sahel region was hit by a debilitating heat wave, resulting in more than 100 deaths in Mali.
Climate change increasingly drives droughts in Africa, jeopardizing water supplies. It ruins lives and livelihoods, cripples food production, and destroys homes and infrastructure. It affects migration patterns and exacerbates conflicts, forcing entire populations to flee in search of alternative livelihoods for survival.
Making matters worse, African countries pay interest rates up to eight times higher than those attached to the typical World Bank loan, leaving them even less equipped to deal with climate-related challenges. This disparity reflects an international financial system that was established in 1945, when most African countries did not yet exist, and which remains tilted in favor of wealthy countries. Many African countries are trapped in a perpetual cycle of debt, with little or no fiscal space for development and investments in climate-change mitigation or adaptation.
Illustration: Yusha
Developing countries are now net contributors of financial flows to the global economy. Net financial transfers to developing countries plummeted from a peak of US$225 billion in 2014 to US$51 billion in 2022. Last year, US$74 billion in interest payments left International Development Association (IDA) countries — comprising low-income and some lower-middle-income economies — for wealthier donor countries.
These financial strains are hampering African countries’ efforts not only to adapt to the effects of climate change, but also to make the transition to a low-carbon economy, not to mention allocating adequate resources for education, healthcare and social protections.
That is why Africa — and the rest of the developing world — has been calling for urgent reforms to the global financial architecture.
However, it falls to the G7 and the G20 to take the necessary steps in this direction. As a major shareholder in the multilateral development banks, the US can help lead the way.
When the G7 meets in Apulia, Italy, for its 50th summit next month, the leaders of major donor countries can demonstrate solidarity with Africa by committing to support debt restructuring and debt cancelation, as well as make provisions for greater concessional and longer-term development financing.
At the Italy-Africa Summit in January, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni pledged to be Africa’s friend and envoy at the G7, and we remain confident that she and other well-meaning G7 leaders would deliver the keys to unlock the financing that Africa needs.
A fair financial system would grant all countries equal access to equity. One readily available way to do this would be to reallocate special drawing rights — the IMF’s international reserve asset — to the African Development Bank.
While the G20 launched the Common Framework for Debt Treatments four years ago, the pace of restructuring remains woefully misaligned with countries’ needs. Wealthy countries must show leadership and release the financing that African countries need to unlock their growth potential. Continuing merely to talk about it would achieve nothing.
I recently hosted the IDA’s replenishment summit in Nairobi, where 19 heads of state or government from across the continent discussed Africa’s debt crisis, and how it has been compounded by climate-driven costs and the economic scars of the COVID-19 pandemic. All agreed that we need wealthy countries to rise to the occasion and scale up financing to bridge Africa’s climate and development needs.
We are calling on our friends — the US, the EU, the UK and Japan — to provide a steady stream of long-term concessional financing, including at least US$120 billion for the IDA21 replenishment, on the way toward tripling the fund by 2030.
Rather than playing the victims, we are keen to do our part to make the world more habitable. We are taking the lead and showing that it is possible to achieve prosperity without destroying the planet, through green industrialization. As I conduct my state visit to the US, I would make clear that Kenya — and Africa more broadly — is open for business.
We invite investments that would tap our immense renewable energy resources, our young and skilled workforce, and our conducive business environment. We offer major opportunities in apparel manufacturing, agriculture, information and communication technology and much more. The US is already Kenya’s largest export market, and as we mark the 60th anniversary of US-Kenyan diplomatic relations, we would look to build on this relationship, and to enhance trade and sustainable development gains for both countries.
William Ruto is president of Kenya.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means