While Iran’s nuclear program stands at the precipice of tipping over into enriching uranium at weapons-grade levels, Tehran has held quiet, indirect talks with the US and invited the head of the UN’s atomic watchdog into the country for negotiations.
While seemingly contradictory, the move follows Iran’s strategy since the collapse of its nuclear deal with world powers after then-US president Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew the country from the accord in 2018. Tehran is attempting to exert its own version of Trump’s “maximum pressure” on the international community to see the economic sanctions that have crippled the country’s economy and currency lifted in exchange for slowing down its program.
The Islamic republic also appears to be trying to contain the risk it faces from the US after launching an unprecedented attack on Israel amid its war on Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The assault — a response to a suspected Israeli strike on April 1 which killed two Revolutionary Guard generals and others in Damascus, Syria — has pushed a years-long shadow war between Israel and Tehran out into the open.
All this is unlikely to change for the time being, even with the helicopter crash on Sunday that killed Iranian president Ebrahim Raisi, Iranian minister of foreign affairs Hossein Amirabdollahian and other officials on a foggy mountain. That is largely due to the fact that all matters of state rest with Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Khamenei, 85, has led Iran since 1989 as its second supreme leader since the country’s Islamic Revolution. Under Khamenei, Iran has seesawed between subtle outreach to outright hostility with the US and other Western powers.
Those cycles include reformist former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami’s “Dialogue Among Civilizations” efforts that hit a wall, as the US suffered the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001 and soon began its decades-long wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Hardline former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — who came to power in 2005 — cheered the country’s nuclear program and defied the West. Relatively moderate former Iranian president Hassan Rouhani ultimately got the 2015 nuclear deal across the line, ending sanctions for greatly limiting its atomic program.
Then came the US’ withdrawal from the nuclear deal. Iran in the waning days of the Rouhani administration began a series of attacks targeting shipping in the Middle East while dialing down its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, the UN’s watchdog. It ultimately began enriching uranium up to 60 percent purity — a step away from weapons-grade levels of 90 percent.
Then Raisi, a protege of Khamenei, won the 2021 presidential election in a vote that saw his main rivals barred from running and a record-low turnout for the race. Those policies continued — as did Iran’s support for regional militias like Yemen’s Houthi rebels, now attacking ships moving through the Red Sea over the Israel-Hamas war. Those groups have long provided Iran with a means to challenge its regional archenemy Israel, as well as the US, without a direct military confrontation.
Through all of this turmoil, the one constant has been Khamenei. As the supreme leader, he has further empowered the country’s Revolutionary Guard, whose all-volunteer Basij forces have been crucial in putting down widespread protests that have struck the nation in recent years. By ensuring Raisi’s election, he narrowed the country’s political field to only hardliners who have embraced that policy of pressure.
However, the Israel-Hamas war, as well as the risk of it expanding into a regional confrontation, has changed some of this calculus. The survival of the “nezam,” or “system” as Iran’s Shiite theocracy is known, remains the paramount concern. The risk of open warfare, as well as the economic pressure squeezing Iran and its people, have made efforts to try to restart the diplomacy — or at least alleviate the risk of things getting even worse — that much more important.
The late Amirabdollahian, as well as Iranian Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Bagheri Kani, had been fierce critics of the negotiations run under the Rouhani administration. However, in the time since, they moved to reach a detente with Saudi Arabia last year. They have continued indirect talks with the US in Oman, a sultanate on the eastern edge of the Arabian Peninsula that has been a key interlocutor between Tehran and the West.
The full extent of the talks remains unclear, as does what would come from them.
However, Iran even reached out to the US government after the helicopter crash for assistance, US Department of State spokesman Matthew Miller told journalists on Monday.
“We did make clear to them that we would offer assistance, as we would do in response to any request by a foreign government in this sort of situation,” Miller said. “Ultimately, largely for logistical reasons, we weren’t able to provide that assistance.”
That help was finding the crash site, the Washington Post reported. Such a request would not have come without Khamenei’s approval.
Jon Gambrell is the news director for the Gulf and Iran for The Associated Press. He has reported from each of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran and other locations across the world since 2006.
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
The top Chinese official in charge of Taiwan policy this week said that Beijing must gain dominance in cross-strait relations and firmly support “patriotic pro-reunification forces” in Taiwan. All Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials must “firmly grasp the initiative and dominance in cross-strait relations” to advance the “great cause of national reunification across the Taiwan Strait,” Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Chairman Wang Huning (王滬寧) said at the Taiwan Work Conference, China’s annual event outling policies on Taiwan. Wang also reiterated the need to adhere to the “one China principle” and the so-called “1992 consensus,” to support Taiwanese compatriots who firmly support
RSS