Over the past month, multiple public figures in the US have raised calls to arm Taiwanese as a deterrent against China. The idea has not gained realistic traction within Taiwan, although it has garnered some media attention.
The first of these comments came from former US national security adviser Robert O’Brien. Speaking in Taiwan on March 24, he said that having 1 million Taiwanese on “every corner and in every apartment block” armed with AK-47 assault rifles would deter the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from attempting an invasion.
“Think how rattled it would make the leadership of the CCP if they knew that if they invaded, there would be 1 million Taiwanese with an AK-47,” he said. “Those legitimate concerns around gun ownership concerns or gun safety pale in comparison when we look at the war crimes that have taken place.”
A couple of weeks later on April 14, Republican presidential candidate and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy made a similar call to raucous cheers at the annual gathering of the US’ National Rifle Association (NRA) in Indianapolis, Indiana.
“You want China not to invade Taiwan? Here is something we can do: The NRA can open its branch next time in Taiwan,” Ramaswamy said. “And you want to stop [Chinese President] Xi Jinping (習近平) from invading Taiwan, put a gun in every Taiwanese household, have them defend themselves. Let’s see what Xi Jinping does then.”
Although O’Brien was more metered in his rhetoric than Ramaswamy — acknowledging a Taiwanese aversion to guns and suggesting public armories or personal safes to store them — both are operating from a culturally specific perspective that says far more about US politics than it does about Taiwan’s defense.
There is a difference between “deterrence through strength,” as many US politicians advocate, and flooding the streets with firearms. As a grouping of islands, Taiwan is more concerned about air and sea attacks than street skirmishes. A full landing by Chinese troops would be exceedingly difficult, and it would come later in a conflict, if at all. Until then, the average citizen could hardly be expected to shoot a missile out of the air with their personal AR-15, nor would Xi feel threatened by them.
What widespread gun ownership would do is make daily life in Taiwan far less safe. The damage wrought by gun violence in the US hardly needs reminding, but bears repeating. Americans own considerably more guns than anyone else in the world, even outnumbering the population, with 120.5 firearms for every 100 people. The US has 18 times more violent gun deaths than other developed countries. With data as clear as this, no wonder other countries have little appetite for guns, Taiwan included.
Although poorly considered, there is a kernel of truth to O’Brien’s and Ramaswamy’s advice. Most Taiwanese men who went through compulsory military service would say they are still not confident in their ability to use a firearm in a combat situation. Luckily, making training more practical is part of ongoing military reforms, with firing exercises now including shooting from different positions and in diverse situations. Most Taiwanese would also agree that better training and communication on what citizens should do in a conflict is sorely needed. While there are certainly more discussions to be had, they require more nuance and situational understanding than just “give them guns.”
Just last week, videos were widely shared online of a 17-year-old shooting up a closed pawn shop beside a bustling street in New Taipei City’s Tucheng District (土城) with a modified submachine gun. The incongruity of the incident was shocking for a country relatively safe from gun violence. If this is the kind of scene that would become more common in an armed society, it is hard to imagine anyone championing the cause.
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
In an article published by the Harvard Kennedy School, renowned historian of modern China Rana Mitter used a structured question-and-answer format to deepen the understanding of the relationship between Taiwan and China. Mitter highlights the differences between the repressive and authoritarian People’s Republic of China and the vibrant democracy that exists in Taiwan, saying that Taiwan and China “have had an interconnected relationship that has been both close and contentious at times.” However, his description of the history — before and after 1945 — contains significant flaws. First, he writes that “Taiwan was always broadly regarded by the imperial dynasties of
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic
A report by the US-based Jamestown Foundation on Tuesday last week warned that China is operating illegal oil drilling inside Taiwan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Island (Dongsha, 東沙群島), marking a sharp escalation in Beijing’s “gray zone” tactics. The report said that, starting in July, state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corp installed 12 permanent or semi-permanent oil rig structures and dozens of associated ships deep inside Taiwan’s EEZ about 48km from the restricted waters of Pratas Island in the northeast of the South China Sea, islands that are home to a Taiwanese garrison. The rigs not only typify