There is a Tibetan proverb for when you make something worse in the process of making another thing better: “Cut from the head to patch the buttocks.”
It captures the terrible situation Chinese authorities has created in the name of combating COVID-19 in Tibet — particularly in its capital, Lhasa. Although Chinese media continue to present an image of triumph, the human picture from Tibet belies the reality of the state-crafted image.
Late last month, within three days, five Tibetans committed suicide in Lhasa as the psychological, emotional and financial impact of a long and repressive lockdown took a harsh toll on people. If information was freely available, the number could be more.
When COVID-19 spread in various parts of Tibet, the South China Morning Post shared a video of Chinese medical workers visiting a remote Tibetan village on horseback to control the pandemic. The clip shows a rosy, if not romantic, image of a responsible state with far-reaching services, suggesting that if herders in far-flung valleys, and high mountains with no roads connecting them, are cared for, then there should be nothing to be worried about in urban areas with modern facilities like Lhasa.
However, after a few weeks of the COVID-19 outbreak, information leaking through the “Great Firewall” of China far from corroborated such a promising picture. It revealed a system that is at best incompetent and at worst, has exacerbated the problem.
The manner in which the Chinese authorities have responded to the pandemic in Tibet is callous — devoid of scientific and humane sensibility. Quarantining people who are infected and restricting public movement and gatherings to control a pandemic make scientific sense. However, it does not make sense to put the infected and uninfected together in crowded quarantine facilities or ferry them together in cramped vehicles. It is highly likely that more people got infected due to the shambolic testing and unscientific quarantine process.
It is not so much due to the severity and spread of the virus per se, but the manner in which the authorities continue to make the lockdowns extremely repressive. Despite an official apology from the Chinese authorities for mismanaging the pandemic in Lhasa, the reality on the ground remains dire.
In a rare display of public outcry, largely spurred by desperation, Tibetans complained about horrible conditions in quarantine centers, such as the lack of food and sanitation, and no medical attention for sick and old people.
However, the response from the party-state is to repress rather than redress: It uses aggressive censorship on social media and clamps down on Tibetans who talk about the hardships. The authorities punished more than 700 people for “creating and spreading rumors.”
The suppression of the public’s voice is a denial of their hardships, and a refusal to address them. Unlike cities in China, Beijing can ignore the suffering of local Tibetans due to their action or inaction.
The lockdowns are arbitrary and inhumane, and treat Tibetans as lab rats to be experimented on with the virus. After dealing with the pandemic for more than two years, it is expected that the way the authorities respond should fare better than at the beginning. Moreover, China, being the origin of SARS-CoV-2 and having acquired enough experience fighting it in many of its megacities, could have done far better than how it has botched up in Lhasa — a city with a fraction of Shanghai’s population.
It stems from how the system of governance in Tibet is oriented toward the goals of security and stability of Beijing’s rule. This is evident in how the controlling mechanisms of repressive lockdowns, suppression of people’s calls for help and other punitive measures against Tibetans are ready and swift, whereas services are far from ready or completely missing.
This indicates the indifference of Chinese authorities toward the well-being of Tibetans, as well as the inherent weakness of a system that is obsessed with its security. The pandemic exposed the huge distance between the ruler and the ruled — reflecting the fundamental nature of the political system in Tibet, and the reality of its colonization.
The way China has treated Tibet during the pandemic has made it clear that it sees Tibetans as second-class citizens, not only deserving less than Chinese, but also less than human beings. In Beijing’s eyes, the minority status is not merely about quantitative insignificance, but also a qualitative sub-standard — a belief and practice born out of the relationship between the dominated and dominator. This power dynamic harbors different attitudes and treatments for different people.
As a Tibetan, it pained me to see that Tibetans had to make a disclaimer — stating that they were not against the Chinese government when they tried to complain to authorities about the harsh conditions of quarantine facilities — which Chinese do not need to do. Decades of repression make them extremely apprehensive about whether their appeals or expressions of hardship would be misconstrued as a political crime in Beijing’s eyes. Although it is hardly surprising, their fears proved to be true, and those who raised their voices were punished.
Nevertheless, many Tibetans took extraordinary risks by voicing their concerns to get the Chinese authorities to show more empathy, and make life a little bit more bearable — yet this was only after 90 days of a harsh and persistent lockdown.
It is impossible not to wonder whether the unscientific and inhumane lockdown, and the arbitrary and indifferent manner in which the Chinese authorities treat Tibetans, are to control the pandemic or contain and break the spirit of a people under occupation.
However, one thing is clear: Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) “zero COVID” policy is making a mockery of itself at the cost of human life and sanity.
Palden Sonam is a fellow at the Asia Freedom Institute.
Many foreigners, particularly Germans, are struck by the efficiency of Taiwan’s administration in routine matters. Driver’s licenses, household registrations and similar procedures are handled swiftly, often decided on the spot, and occasionally even accompanied by preferential treatment. However, this efficiency does not extend to all areas of government. Any foreigner with long-term residency in Taiwan — just like any Taiwanese — would have encountered the opposite: agencies, most notably the police, refusing to accept complaints and sending applicants away at the counter without consideration. This kind of behavior, although less common in other agencies, still occurs far too often. Two cases
In a summer of intense political maneuvering, Taiwanese, whose democratic vibrancy is a constant rebuke to Beijing’s authoritarianism, delivered a powerful verdict not on China, but on their own political leaders. Two high-profile recall campaigns, driven by the ruling party against its opposition, collapsed in failure. It was a clear signal that after months of bitter confrontation, the Taiwanese public is demanding a shift from perpetual campaign mode to the hard work of governing. For Washington and other world capitals, this is more than a distant political drama. The stability of Taiwan is vital, as it serves as a key player
Yesterday’s recall and referendum votes garnered mixed results for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). All seven of the KMT lawmakers up for a recall survived the vote, and by a convincing margin of, on average, 35 percent agreeing versus 65 percent disagreeing. However, the referendum sponsored by the KMT and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on restarting the operation of the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant in Pingtung County failed. Despite three times more “yes” votes than “no,” voter turnout fell short of the threshold. The nation needs energy stability, especially with the complex international security situation and significant challenges regarding
Most countries are commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II with condemnations of militarism and imperialism, and commemoration of the global catastrophe wrought by the war. On the other hand, China is to hold a military parade. According to China’s state-run Xinhua news agency, Beijing is conducting the military parade in Tiananmen Square on Sept. 3 to “mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II and the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.” However, during World War II, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had not yet been established. It