A week ago, I worried that the anti-regime demonstrations in Iran might falter if the mostly young protesters did not get some help from grown-ups — like the trade unions, say, or the so-called “moderate” elements within the theocratic state. I reckoned it would take the participation of groups of that stature to rattle Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
The adults have not yet risen to the occasion, but the tyrant and his theocrats have been confronted and confounded by an unexpected constituency: schoolgirls. They represent a new kind of challenge for a regime that usually deals with dissent by licensing its security forces to use torture and murder. Does Khamenei dare turn his thugs on children?
Now in its third week, the protests have evolved from an expression of disgust over the death of a young woman, Mahsa Amini, in the custody of Iran’s notorious morality police. Women continue to dominate the demonstrations, but they are no longer content merely to burn their hijab in symbolic opposition to the regime’s restrictive dress code. Now, they are calling for the dismantling of the entire theocratic edifice of the state.
Their ranks have been joined by schoolgirls, who are likewise calling for the downfall of the regime. Video clips of girls confronting teachers and officials in classrooms are proliferating on social media, despite the government’s efforts to impose a communications blackout. In some clips, the children can be heard chanting “Death to the dictator,” and stomping on images of Khamenei — and even of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic republic.
Even for a regime practiced in the dark arts of dissimulation, these videos are hard to reconcile with its usual dismissal of dissent as the work of foreign actors. As usual, Khamenei is blaming the protests on the US and Israel, but he would struggle to explain how they managed to reach into the classrooms, past the minders appointed by the state, to pollute the minds of children.
Demonstrations have also spread across university campuses across the nation, accelerating after a bloody crackdown on protesters at Tehran’s Sharif University of Technology. However, beating college students is practically routine for the regime, and Iranians are all too familiar with images of carnage in the campus, especially from 1999, when Khamenei unleashed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the Basij militia against students protesting censorship.
However, the supreme leader has never set his attack dogs upon schoolchildren — not yet, anyway. Will the Revolutionary Guard and Basij balk at clubbing children into submission, especially given the risk that their actions would be caught on cellphone cameras and shown to the world?
They must know that the world is paying attention. In the US, Canada, Europe and Turkey there have been rallies in solidarity with the Iranian protesters. Their signature slogan — “Women! Life! Freedom!” — has been taken up in Afghanistan, where women are fighting their own battles against misogynistic rulers.
World leaders are watching, too. Having already announced sanctions against the morality police and other regime officials, US President Joe Biden has announced he would impose “further costs” on those responsible for violence against the protesters. The EU is considering sanctions requests from Germany, France, Denmark, Spain, Italy and the Czech Republic.
Any action against schoolchildren will undoubtedly invite harsher penalties, such as expulsion of diplomats and barring Iran from international forums. Even allies like China and Russia would find it hard to back Tehran in those circumstances.
However, perhaps most worrying for the supreme leader is that a crackdown against children might finally bring the grown-ups into the streets. The kids are a problem Khamenei cannot easily solve.
Bobby Ghosh is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering foreign affairs. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
The top Chinese official in charge of Taiwan policy this week said that Beijing must gain dominance in cross-strait relations and firmly support “patriotic pro-reunification forces” in Taiwan. All Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials must “firmly grasp the initiative and dominance in cross-strait relations” to advance the “great cause of national reunification across the Taiwan Strait,” Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Chairman Wang Huning (王滬寧) said at the Taiwan Work Conference, China’s annual event outling policies on Taiwan. Wang also reiterated the need to adhere to the “one China principle” and the so-called “1992 consensus,” to support Taiwanese compatriots who firmly support