The Legislative Yuan has passed an amendment to the Act Governing the Use of Police Weapons (警械使用條例), allowing police officers greater freedom to use firearms. This is a big step forward, but only time will tell whether officers can truly be at ease.
Article 4 of the act states that police may use their firearms under seven circumstances, but the descriptions are mostly abstract. Phrases such as “extreme mishap” or “public order” are hardly applicable to specific occasions, and have been widely criticized.
For this reason, drawing on the principle of proportionality, the amendment stipulates a hierarchy of firearm use in accordance the extent to which a law enforcement officer is threatened. In particular, when police officers are under threat of injury or death, any kind of approved firearms that would prevent danger would be open to use. Under life-threatening circumstances, police officers may use their weapons without first firing a warning shot.
The amendment does not mean police officers would not be held legally accountable. A firearm-related death as a result of the actions of law enforcement still violates the right to life. Thus the problem arises: whether a police officer abides by the law when performing their duties, and whether their actions cause a preventable, yet intentional death. Nevertheless, no matter how definite the circumstances of using firearms could be specified, it is impossible to take into account every likely scenario. In the end, whether a police officer would be indicted depends on a prosecutor’s perception of the incident.
The main purpose of the amendment is to clarify the ambiguous judgement criteria, and make them more specific and objective.
Currently, even if a prosecutor decides that an officer’s use of a gun was in accordance with the principle of proportionality, police officers might have to deal with legal compensation in a civil litigation.
When police use of firearms infringes upon the rights of a person, the government should compensate them, according to the State Compensation Act (國家賠償法). So, a police officer would only be held liable due to intentional acts or gross negligence, and only after the government has already paid compensation.
Yet, in judicial practice, an injured person is entitled to file a compensation claim based on Article 186 of the Civil Code. Consequently, when performing their duties, police officers have to worry about potential lawsuits.
The amendment stipulates that any police firearm-related death is subject to the State Compensation Act. That way, police officers would not have to confront repeated compensation in litigation.
For disputes arising from police firearm-related deaths or serious physical injury, the amendment authorizes the Ministry of the Interior to organize an investigation team that has experts and academics in it. The team would investigate to clarify if the police use of firearms was justifiable.
The investigation result would be an important basis for administrative accountability, and could become material for education and training, as well as references for further legislative revision.
Yet, as seen from the current articles of the act, it is unclear whether the investigation result could be employed as the basis or evidence for prosecution, state compensation or criminal litigation. Concerned with how assured a law enforcement officer can be when performing their duties, this is a critical issue, and it awaits further clarification.
Wu Ching-chin is a law professor at Aletheia University.
Translated by Liu Yi-hung
On May 7, 1971, Henry Kissinger planned his first, ultra-secret mission to China and pondered whether it would be better to meet his Chinese interlocutors “in Pakistan where the Pakistanis would tape the meeting — or in China where the Chinese would do the taping.” After a flicker of thought, he decided to have the Chinese do all the tape recording, translating and transcribing. Fortuitously, historians have several thousand pages of verbatim texts of Dr. Kissinger’s negotiations with his Chinese counterparts. Paradoxically, behind the scenes, Chinese stenographers prepared verbatim English language typescripts faster than they could translate and type them
More than 30 years ago when I immigrated to the US, applied for citizenship and took the 100-question civics test, the one part of the naturalization process that left the deepest impression on me was one question on the N-400 form, which asked: “Have you ever been a member of, involved in or in any way associated with any communist or totalitarian party anywhere in the world?” Answering “yes” could lead to the rejection of your application. Some people might try their luck and lie, but if exposed, the consequences could be much worse — a person could be fined,
Xiaomi Corp founder Lei Jun (雷軍) on May 22 made a high-profile announcement, giving online viewers a sneak peek at the company’s first 3-nanometer mobile processor — the Xring O1 chip — and saying it is a breakthrough in China’s chip design history. Although Xiaomi might be capable of designing chips, it lacks the ability to manufacture them. No matter how beautifully planned the blueprints are, if they cannot be mass-produced, they are nothing more than drawings on paper. The truth is that China’s chipmaking efforts are still heavily reliant on the free world — particularly on Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing
On May 13, the Legislative Yuan passed an amendment to Article 6 of the Nuclear Reactor Facilities Regulation Act (核子反應器設施管制法) that would extend the life of nuclear reactors from 40 to 60 years, thereby providing a legal basis for the extension or reactivation of nuclear power plants. On May 20, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) legislators used their numerical advantage to pass the TPP caucus’ proposal for a public referendum that would determine whether the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant should resume operations, provided it is deemed safe by the authorities. The Central Election Commission (CEC) has