On the day Tunisia’s democracy died, it fell to US Department of State spokesman Ned Price to deliver the Biden administration’s mealy-mouthed pieties.
Asked about the July 25 constitutional referendum that allowed Tunisian President Kais Saied to institutionalize one-man rule in the North African nation, Price offered the following observations:
“Well, we note the outcome that has been reported by the Independent High Authority for Elections and civil society election observers,” he said. “The referendum has been marked by low turnout. That is something we do note. A broad range of Tunisia’s civil society, media and political parties have expressed deep concerns regarding the referendum. And in particular, we note the widespread concerns among many Tunisians regarding the lack of an inclusive and transparent process and limited scope for genuine public debate during the drafting of the new constitution. We also note concerns that the new constitution includes weakened checks and balances that could compromise the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.”
Note the absence of direct criticism of the man who has garroted the Arab world’s most promising democracy. Instead of calling out Saied for his appropriation of near-absolute authority, the administration of US President Joe Biden again failed to live up to its own billing as a defender of democracy.
There would have been plenty to criticize. Saied seized control of the election commission ahead of the vote, in addition to muzzling the media, jerry-rigging the judiciary and jailing political opponents. The overwhelming majority of Tunisians chose not to vote, undermining the autocrat’s attempt to legitimize his power grab by refusing to participate in the stage-managed exercise.
Even taking at face value the election commission’s claim of a 30.4 percent turnout, it was an abysmal showing for Saied. By contrast, Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi managed a 38.6 percent turnout for his 2014 constitutional referendum.
The Tunisian president offered the lamest of excuses: More people would have voted if they had had two days instead of one, Saied said.
In the days ahead, Saied’s opponents are likely to make the most they can of the poor turnout to question the lawfulness of the new constitution — and by extension, the president’s right to rule.
Like autocrats everywhere, Saied could seek alternative sources of legitimacy. Expect government-supported rallies celebrating the constitution in Tunis and expressions of fealty from the armed forces. The president could also draw legitimacy from the willingness of foreign leaders — and especially leaders of democratic states — to do business with him. He would be reassured by a reluctance of democracy’s defenders to even criticize, much less condemn, his sham of a referendum.
Saied is likely to hope that the Biden administration does for him what the administration of former US president Barack Obama did for al-Sisi: Accept the new constitution as a fait accompli and look the other way as the Tunisian president uses it to tighten his grip over all levers of the state.
Biden should deny Saied that satisfaction. Instead, the US president can start making up for his failure to protect Tunisia’s democracy by making it clear that his administration has done more than “note” Saied’s attempt to institutionalize authoritarianism.
Biden is no slouch at using strong language in situations such as this. Only last November, he condemned Nicaraguan President Manuel Noriega for staging a “pantomime” election. Saied should get similar treatment.
Presidential rhetoric aside, the official US position should be that the referendum was too flawed for the results to hold any validity. Any move by Saied to exercise the powers arrogated to the presidency in the new constitution should be met by full-throated condemnation and, where possible, economic sanctions.
Biden should demand that Saied restore the independence of Tunisia’s judiciary as well as the freedom of its media, and work with opposition parties toward a power-sharing arrangement and fresh elections.
If Saied refuses, the US should withhold all aid for Tunisia and encourage its European partners to do likewise. The Biden administration should also be prepared to exercise the US veto on any IMF assistance for Tunisia.
That would hit Saied where it hurts the most. He desperately needs foreign funding and the IMF’s help to start repairing Tunisia’s crumbling economy. Failure to deliver on that front would swiftly remove even the limited support he enjoys, and put paid to any claims to legitimacy.
Biden has much to answer for in his failure to live up to his professed values. In Tunisia, he could to do something of note.
Bobby Ghosh is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering foreign affairs. Previously he was editor-in-chief at the Hindustan Times, managing editor at Quartz and international editor at Time. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
The US intelligence community’s annual threat assessment for this year certainly cannot be faulted for having a narrow focus or Pollyanna perspective. From a rising China, Russian aggression and Iran’s nuclear ambitions, to climate change, future pandemics and the growing reach of international organized crime, US intelligence analysis is as comprehensive as it is worrying. Inaugurated two decades ago as a gesture of transparency and to inform the public and the US Congress, the annual threat assessment offers the intelligence agencies’ top-line conclusions about the country’s leading national-security threats — although always in ways that do not compromise “sources and methods.”
Let’s begin with the bottom line. The sad truth of the matter is that Beijing has trampled on its solemn pledge to grant Hong Kong a great deal of autonomy for at least fifty years. In so doing, the PRC ignored a promise Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平) made to both Great Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and the wider world back in the early 1980s. This was at a time when Beijing, under Deng and his successors, appeared to be seeking an equitable accommodation with the West. I remain puzzled by China’s recent policy shift. Was it because Hong Kong was perceived
The recent removal of items related to Japanese Shinto culture from the Taoyuan Martyrs’ Shrine and Cultural Park has caused an uproar. The complex was built as a Shinto shrine by the Japanese during the colonial period, but was transformed into a martyrs’ shrine commemorating veterans of the Chinese Civil War after the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) retreated to Taiwan in 1949. Figurines of the Japanese sun goddess Amaterasu Okami were allowed into the shrine for a cultural event last year, attracting throngs of visitors to see the Shinto decorations and practices. However, some people accused the Taoyuan City Government of
The “US skeptic” and “Lai skeptic” arguments are gaining traction in Taiwanese political discourse, and might become a major campaign issue in the run-up to next year’s presidential election. The former says that the US cannot be trusted to defend Taiwan should China launch an invasion, while the latter says that Washington does not have the faith in Vice President William Lai (賴清德) — a self-described “pragmatic independence worker” who is seeking the top job — that it has in President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文). There is precedent for concern after the way US President Joe Biden handled the withdrawal from Afghanistan, and
RSS