There is no way of knowing whether Russian President Vladimir Putin has spent the past decade preparing for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but it is known that US President Joe Biden warned that the Ukrainian crisis was around the corner and that he was ready for a meeting with Putin in what would have been a last-ditch effort at diplomacy over the Ukraine tensions.
Biden issued a stark warning, vowing that it would be “a disaster for Russia” if it invaded Ukraine. However, when Washington started sounding the alarm about Russia’s impending attack, Europeans were in no mood to listen, with one EU diplomat even describing Biden’s warning as “warmongering.”
The US got the intelligence right, and Biden was certainly not making a false claim. As early as December last year, the Biden administration authorized a US$200 million military assistance package for Ukraine.
In the months before the invasion, White House officials began working on a strategy to counter Putin. They made multiple trips to meet their European counterparts, while Biden made regular telephone calls to European leaders, sharing confidential information.
By engaging in negotiations and mediations, the US has formed a democratic defense alliance with its European partners. While Ukrainians’ fierce resistance has played a significant role in derailing the Kremlin’s invasion, the US’ crucial role in diplomacy cannot be ignored.
The US-led alliance has dealt a significant blow to Russia, making Putin admit that inflation and unemployment would rise in his country.
However, the fly in the ointment is China.
The New York Times reported that prior to the Beijing Winter Olympics in early February, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) met with Putin and asked him to delay the invasion until after the Games had finished.
Despite China’s vehement denial, there is sufficient evidence of China’s alignment with Russia.
On the opening day of the Olympics, the two powerful autocrats issued a joint statement, saying that “friendship between the two states has no limits, no forbidden areas of cooperation.”
They promised to stand with each other, to endorse each other’s respective territorial ambitions in Taiwan and Ukraine, and to collaborate against the West.
Another example came on the day before the invasion, when a Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson told a news conference that the US is responsible for the Ukraine tensions.
When the invasion had begun and the UN voted on a resolution to condemn Russia’s actions, China unsurprisingly abstained.
These events and their inherent logic shed light on the March 18 talks between Biden and Xi, regardless of the their interpretation by Chinese state media and pro-China media in Taiwan.
After the two-hour talks, which were initiated by Washington, the US and China released their respective statements.
The White House issued a terse readout saying that Russia would pay a steep price for its unprovoked invasion of Ukraine and reinforced Biden’s warning of serious consequences if China provided material aid to Putin’s war effort.
It ended with: “The President reiterated that US policy on Taiwan has not changed, and emphasized that the United States continues to oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo.”
The Chinese readout selectively quoted Biden’s remarks, not mentioning one word of his warning, and accentuated that Biden “does not support ‘Taiwan independence.’”
The talks were not primarily about Taiwan, and it is obvious that Xi was using the opportunity to put words in Biden’s mouth to facilitate a bid for the extension to his own rule.
After the talks, international media unanimously pointed out that the US and China were “singing different tunes” and “coming up with their own interpretations.”
The odd thing was that a certain pro-China outlet in Taiwan used the readout issued by China’s Xinhua news agency and published a front page article under the headline: “Biden-Xi engaged in feverish talks of Taiwan, Biden: US does not support Taiwan independence.”
No fervent discussion happened in the first place, and the fact that the Taiwanese outlet used an even more tawdry title than Xinhua was contemptible.
Would Biden really say “no” to Taiwan independence?
On March 11, one week before the talks with Xi, Biden signed the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, which includes a ban on the use of any maps by the US Department of State and its foreign operations that “inaccurately” depict Taiwan as part of China.
The act stipulates that “none of the funds made available by this act should be used to create, procure, or display any map that inaccurately depicts the territory and social and economic system of Taiwan and the islands or island groups administered by Taiwan authorities.”
Consequently, any US map published by a state department-affiliated agency must mark Taiwan in a different color than China.
Asked about the US’ stance on Taiwan’s status in November last year following a telephone call with Xi, Biden said: “They have to decide — Taiwan, not us. We are not encouraging independence.”
In light of these events, is Biden really “against” Taiwan independence?
It is no surprise that Xinhua barks for the Chinese Communist Party, but it is a shame that pro-China media in Taiwan are doing the same.
Chin Heng-wei is a political commentator.
Translated by Rita Wang
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
At the same time as more than 30 military aircraft were detected near Taiwan — one of the highest daily incursions this year — with some flying as close as 37 nautical miles (69kms) from the northern city of Keelung, China announced a limited and selected relaxation of restrictions on Taiwanese agricultural exports and tourism, upon receiving a Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) delegation led by KMT legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅崑萁). This demonstrates the two-faced gimmick of China’s “united front” strategy. Despite the strongest earthquake to hit the nation in 25 years striking Hualien on April 3, which caused
In the 2022 book Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with China, academics Hal Brands and Michael Beckley warned, against conventional wisdom, that it was not a rising China that the US and its allies had to fear, but a declining China. This is because “peaking powers” — nations at the peak of their relative power and staring over the precipice of decline — are particularly dangerous, as they might believe they only have a narrow window of opportunity to grab what they can before decline sets in, they said. The tailwinds that propelled China’s spectacular economic rise over the past