India has deployed recently acquired US-made weaponry along its border with China, part of a new offensive force to bolster its capabilities as the nations remain deadlocked over disputed territory in the Himalayas.
The buildup in India’s northeast is centered on the Tawang Plateau adjoining Bhutan and Tibet, a piece of land claimed by China, but controlled by India. It holds historical political and military significance: In 1959, the Dalai Lama fled to India across nearby mountain passes to escape a Chinese military operation. Three years later, both sides fought a war in the area.
Now US-manufactured Chinook helicopters, ultra-light towed howitzers and rifles, as well as domestically-made supersonic cruise missiles and a new-age surveillance system are to back Indian troops in areas bordering eastern Tibet. The weapons have all been acquired in the past few years as defense ties between the US and India have strengthened due to rising concerns about Chinese assertiveness.
Indian military personnel escorted a group of reporters through the region last month to highlight the nation’s new offensive capabilities.
Indian Eastern Army Commander Lieutenant General Manoj Pande said that boots, armor, artillery and air support were being combined to make the force “agile, lean and mean so that we can employ faster.”
“The Mountain Strike Corps is fully operationalized,” he said. “All units including combat and combat support units are fully raised and equipped.”
India has moved to bolster its defenses along the border with China after the worst fighting in decades last year led to the deaths of at least 20 Indian army personnel and four Chinese soldiers.
While the two sides have engaged in talks to disengage, they have yet to agree on pulling back from a key flashpoint in another border area near disputed Kashmir.
India’s deployments show a frustration with the lack of progress on talks with China, said Rajeswari Pillai Rajagopalan, director of the Centre for Security, Strategy and Technology at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi.
“That we are looking at a second winter engaged at the border explains why India needs to work on building its capabilities and infrastructure at the border, and source more equipment from partners like the US,” she said.
Adding to the friction is a new Chinese boundary law that Beijing said was a “unified standard for strengthening border management.”
India warned that the new law, which was passed last month, could affect ongoing border tensions, which Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Wang Wenbin (汪文斌) said was “undue speculation.”
The bulk of India’s fresh forces have gone to the east, where a formation of least 30,000 troops have been deployed over the past year. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has been concerned about a repeat of a bitter 1962 battle in the Himalayas, when China’s People’s Liberation Army took Tawang as the underprepared and poorly led Indian army withdrew.
Unused bunkers and war memorials still dot the lone road that connects Tawang to the plains below. India now wants to use the area to “punch” China if necessary, said a senior military commander familiar with the situation.
The area is crucial to India’s defenses, as the borders stretching east to Myanmar are “poorly held” and the narrow corridor passing by Bhutan, Nepal and Bangladesh — which holds gas pipelines and railroads connecting central India to the northeast — is of “critical concern,” the commander said.
The Indian army’s offensive option along the Tawang Plateau, which is in the middle of those areas, would allow India to counter China as it steps up military activity in the area.
Pande said there was a “marginal increase in Chinese patrols in the eastern sector along the Line of Actual Control,” a disputed but de facto boundary between the two nations that runs along the Himalayas.
The Line of Actual Control is patrolled by India and China, although Pande said the scale and duration of Chinese troop exercises on their side have increased since the standoff in the eastern area of Ladakh last year.
India has “adequate number of troops available,” the general said, without giving numbers.
A newly raised Indian army aviation brigade, based about 300km south of Tawang, forms a critical component of the new offensive plan. It is the same base that US aviators took off from to fight the Japanese Imperial Army in China and assist the nationalist forces there in World War II.
The Indian aviation brigade is now equipped with Chinook helicopters, which can ferry US-made light howitzers and troops quickly across mountains. It also has Israeli-made unmanned aerial vehicles that relay real-time pictures of the adversary round the clock.
“The Chinook are a game changer,” said Major Kartik, a pilot in the new brigade. “They offer mobility and maneuverability like never before — troops and artillery guns can be carried from one mountain ridge to other quickly.”
The preparations go beyond just boots and new equipment. Engineers in India are digging the world’s longest two-lane tunnel, which is 4,000m above sea level and runs underneath a critical mountain pass currently accessible by a 317km meandering road to the disputed border.
Construction is ahead of schedule and the structure will be operational by June next year, said Colonel Prakshit Mehra, a project director of the tunnel.
“Currently snow clearance of the pass requires massive effort, and even then only certain kind of vehicles can cross,” he said. “The tunnel will reduce travel time by hours, allowing faster and unhindered movement of troops round the year.”
The tunnel, once operational, ensures that India can move its troops without detection from China, said a senior military commander who asked not to be identified.
A new road has been constructed close to the disputed border to move troops and supplies. A second one running along the eastern borders of Bhutan connecting the disputed border to the plains below is nearly complete, throwing up more possibilities for military commanders.
“We are more comfortable than what we were a few years ago,” said Major General Zubin Minwalla, commander of the Indian Army 5-Mountain Division.
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In a recent essay, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” a former adviser to US President Donald Trump, Christian Whiton, accuses Taiwan of diplomatic incompetence — claiming Taipei failed to reach out to Trump, botched trade negotiations and mishandled its defense posture. Whiton’s narrative overlooks a fundamental truth: Taiwan was never in a position to “win” Trump’s favor in the first place. The playing field was asymmetrical from the outset, dominated by a transactional US president on one side and the looming threat of Chinese coercion on the other. From the outset of his second term, which began in January, Trump reaffirmed his
Despite calls to the contrary from their respective powerful neighbors, Taiwan and Somaliland continue to expand their relationship, endowing it with important new prospects. Fitting into this bigger picture is the historic Coast Guard Cooperation Agreement signed last month. The common goal is to move the already strong bilateral relationship toward operational cooperation, with significant and tangible mutual benefits to be observed. Essentially, the new agreement commits the parties to a course of conduct that is expressed in three fundamental activities: cooperation, intelligence sharing and technology transfer. This reflects the desire — shared by both nations — to achieve strategic results within
It is difficult not to agree with a few points stated by Christian Whiton in his article, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” and yet the main idea is flawed. I am a Polish journalist who considers Taiwan her second home. I am conservative, and I might disagree with some social changes being promoted in Taiwan right now, especially the push for progressiveness backed by leftists from the West — we need to clean up our mess before blaming the Taiwanese. However, I would never think that those issues should dominate the West’s judgement of Taiwan’s geopolitical importance. The question is not whether