In light of economies becoming increasingly digitalized, with more financial innovation and decreasing use of cash, the cryptocurrency boom has become a focus of central banks around the world — and Taiwan is no exception.
At a forum in Taipei last week, central bank Governor Yang Chin-long (楊金龍) spoke about the progress in developing a central bank digital currency (CBDC). He said that the central bank conducted the first phase of a technical feasibility study in June last year, aiming to understand the limitations of the so-called distributed ledger technology behind cryptocurrencies, and especially whether the central bank is operationally efficient enough to settle large transactions in time.
Yang said that phase 2 of the study is under way, which includes building a prototype CBDC platform to simulate the application of the digital currency in retail payment systems. The certification of the digital currency is expected to be completed in September next year at the earliest.
There are three conditions that must be met before the study can enter phase 3, which would entail pilot runs at some venues, or even a full-scale rollout in phase 4, he said. The first is input, participation and support from a wide range of stakeholders, such as government agencies, users, financial and academic institutions, and technology providers. The second is that mature technology exists in terms of systems integration, operational efficiency and security resilience, Yang said. Finally, a solid legal framework would be needed, including the use of the CBDC as legal tender, as well as regulations protecting privacy while preventing money laundering and terrorism to enhance public trust in the currency, he said.
Compared with other countries, China in particular, Taiwan’s development of a digital currency comes rather late. However, Yang emphasized in his speech that there is no first-mover advantage for the technology and its development should not become a competition among countries. What matters is to ensure that the rollout meets domestic needs.
In other words, countries that issue digital currencies earlier might have certain benefits, but they would also have to deal with the currencies’ inherent risk to privacy, financial institutions and the overall economy. Latecomers could take cues from first movers’ experience, implement better risk-mitigation mechanisms and build a more comprehensive digital currency ecosystem.
In short, the central bank is researching and experimenting with the technology, and continues to explore the future of everyday transactions, including the role that a CBDC might play.
The question is no longer whether Taiwan should issue a digital currency, but when it should do so. However, there is still significant work that needs to be done concerning privacy and security concerns. The launch of a CBDC needs to be carefully designed and give the financial system time to adjust and provide safeguards. Therefore no decision has yet been made on whether a digital New Taiwan dollar will be introduced.
Certainly, there are some developments that motivate the central bank to push the project forward, such as the digitalization trend and financial innovation, which would in turn influence the popularity of the digital currency, as well as its usefulness and how widely businesses would accept it.
Particularly important is that the currency would have to have advantages over existing digital payment services, specifically in terms of usability and security. Otherwise, it would just be one more option for digital payments. Moreover, it is vital that the central bank continues testing the technology, so that whenever public consultations and policy discussions reach a conclusive result, Taiwan can launch a CBDC that people can use as a cash substitute without a second thought.
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In a recent essay, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” a former adviser to US President Donald Trump, Christian Whiton, accuses Taiwan of diplomatic incompetence — claiming Taipei failed to reach out to Trump, botched trade negotiations and mishandled its defense posture. Whiton’s narrative overlooks a fundamental truth: Taiwan was never in a position to “win” Trump’s favor in the first place. The playing field was asymmetrical from the outset, dominated by a transactional US president on one side and the looming threat of Chinese coercion on the other. From the outset of his second term, which began in January, Trump reaffirmed his
It is difficult not to agree with a few points stated by Christian Whiton in his article, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” and yet the main idea is flawed. I am a Polish journalist who considers Taiwan her second home. I am conservative, and I might disagree with some social changes being promoted in Taiwan right now, especially the push for progressiveness backed by leftists from the West — we need to clean up our mess before blaming the Taiwanese. However, I would never think that those issues should dominate the West’s judgement of Taiwan’s geopolitical importance. The question is not whether
In 2025, it is easy to believe that Taiwan has always played a central role in various assessments of global national interests. But that is a mistaken belief. Taiwan’s position in the world and the international support it presently enjoys are relatively new and remain highly vulnerable to challenges from China. In the early 2000s, the George W. Bush Administration had plans to elevate bilateral relations and to boost Taiwan’s defense. It designated Taiwan as a non-NATO ally, and in 2001 made available to Taiwan a significant package of arms to enhance the island’s defenses including the submarines it long sought.