After US President Joe Biden was elected in November last year, there was nervousness in Taipei over whether his administration would seek to reverse some of his predecessor’s polices on Taiwan and China. One of the key areas of concern was whether US sales of defensive weaponry to Taiwan would be scaled back.
The administration of former US president Donald Trump dispensed with the ultra-cautious approach initiated by former US president Bill Clinton, and continued by former US presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, approving a flurry of much-needed weapons packages to redress the rapidly changing balance of power in the Taiwan Strait, with the aim of turning Taiwan into a prickly “porcupine” capable of deterring a Chinese attack.
The good news is that fears of a return to the past practice of piecemeal weapons sales, begrudgingly approved by Washington, appears to have been unfounded.
On Thursday last week, the US Department of State approved the sale of US$750 million in weapons and equipment to Taiwan, the first such sale since Biden took office in January. The US Congress must still formally ratify the deal, but based on past experience, it should sail through the final legislative hurdle.
The main element of the deal is the sale of 40 155mm Paladin M109A6 self-propelled howitzers, together with 20 field artillery ammunition support vehicles, five M88A2 Hercules vehicles and 1,698 multi-option precision guidance upgrade kits.
The upgrade kits would convert Taiwan’s stockpile of projectiles into GPS-guided munitions, enabling the military to modernize its fleet of self-propelled howitzer artillery pieces and enhance interoperability with US forces.
Also included in the deal is the sale of other essential military gear, including M239 vehicle-mounted smoke grenade launchers, nighttime viewing systems for armored vehicles, GPS devices and M2 Chrysler mount .50 caliber machine guns.
Taiwanese observers have said that the timing and size of the deal, six months into Biden’s term, is largely in line with deals made under Trump, whose administration announced 11 separate arms sales to Taiwan during his four years in office.
Additionally, defense watchers have said that the Biden administration appears to be continuing the Trump administration’s practice of assessing purchase requests on a case-by-case basis, according to need, rather than returning to the staggered sale of equipment packages before 2017.
Commenting on the deal, Lee Che-chuan (李哲全), a researcher at the Institute for National Defense and Security Research, said that Biden inherited the Trump administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy and would continue to enhance the defensive capabilities of allied nations in the region.
Lee added that he expects US arms sales to continue plugging the gaps in Taiwan’s defenses.
While US arms sales form a vital component of Taiwan’s defense strategy, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) previously said that Taiwan cannot, and must not, rely on foreign assistance alone, as the nation must demonstrate that it is willing and capable of defending itself and cannot expect the US, or any other nation, to sail to its rescue. This means spending more on defense and continuing to invest heavily in indigenous capabilities relating to advanced missile defense, missile attack boats and submarines.
The Ministry of National Defense must also ensure that it strikes the right balance between upgrading legacy platforms — such as F-16V fighters and 108 M1A2X Abrams battle tanks — and developing asymmetric warfare capabilities that would allow Taiwan to redress the yawning disparity between the sizes of its own and China’s military forces, and build a credible deterrence.
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
For Taiwan, the ongoing US and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets are a warning signal: When a major power stretches the boundaries of self-defense, smaller states feel the tremors first. Taiwan’s security rests on two pillars: US deterrence and the credibility of international law. The first deters coercion from China. The second legitimizes Taiwan’s place in the international community. One is material. The other is moral. Both are indispensable. Under the UN Charter, force is lawful only in response to an armed attack or with UN Security Council authorization. Even pre-emptive self-defense — long debated — requires a demonstrably imminent
Since being re-elected, US President Donald Trump has consistently taken concrete action to counter China and to safeguard the interests of the US and other democratic nations. The attacks on Iran, the earlier capture of deposed of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and efforts to remove Chinese influence from the Panama Canal all demonstrate that, as tensions with Beijing intensify, Washington has adopted a hardline stance aimed at weakening its power. Iran and Venezuela are important allies and major oil suppliers of China, and the US has effectively decapitated both. The US has continuously strengthened its military presence in the Philippines. Japanese Prime