Foreign media reported late last month that German Minister of Economic Affairs and Energy Peter Altmaier had written a letter to Vice Premier Shen Jong-chin (沈榮津) and Minister of Economic Affairs Wang Mei-hua (王美花) asking Taiwan to help Germany resolve a chip shortage that is jeopardizing the recovery of its automobile industry.
Local media then reported that Wang conveyed Altmaier’s message to executives at Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) — the world’s largest contract chipmaker — making it clear that the government has expressed its goodwill to Berlin by taking prompt and concrete action.
Despite this, at a news conference on Jan. 25, German Federal Foreign Office spokeswoman Maria Adebahr once again emphasized that the German government’s Taiwan policy remains unchanged, and that it continues to adhere to its “one China” policy.
Germany asking Taiwan for assistance without treating the country as a friend is a forceful slap in Wang’s face.
When the COVID-19 pandemic broke out last year, Taiwan in April donated 1 million masks to Germany after boosting its mask production capacity, but still the German government simply expressed its gratitude to the assistance “from other countries.”
The major German weekly Bild even ran a report about Germany not thanking Taiwan for the donations, asking if it was because Germany fears China.
In the past few years, Taiwan has launched a project to build submarines that is to cost more than NT$500 billion (US$17.6 billion).
In the mid-1980s it had a chance to acquire from Argentina a TR-1700 submarine built by the German shipbuilding company Nordseewerke, but the purchase was aborted after Germany refused to issue an export permit, a refusal that caused problems for Taiwan.
When Taiwan in the 2000s attempted to purchase German-made rocket launchers for the domestically developed “Thunderbolt-2000” multiple launch rocket system, the German government once again refused to issue a permit, forcing Taiwan to buy remodeled German MAN TGS commercial vehicles and importing them to Taiwan as South Korean products in 2009. It is fair to say that Germany is not very friendly to Taiwan.
Moreover, before Germany’s presidency of the Council of the EU ended last year, German Chancellor Angela Merkel made an all-out effort to push for a mutual investment agreement between the EU and China.
Despite reminders from councilors of Beijing’s persecution of Uighurs in the Xinjiang region while selling products made in Xinjiang’s concentration camps to Europe, the EU, driven on by Germany, still announced in Dec. 30 that the two parties had agreed in principle on a comprehensive investment agreement.
Germany’s strong leaning toward China of course raised doubts among some other EU member states such as Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Poland.
The problem is quite simple: Germany is China’s largest trading partner in Europe. Their interests are closely aligned.
Based on the principle of “follow the money,” Berlin is unlikely to elevate its diplomatic relationship with Taiwan, and there is no need for the Taiwanese government to rush off and demand that TSMC increase its capital expenditures to expand production capacity simply due to a letter from the German economics minister.
Such a demand for expansion could even have an effect opposite to the one intended, as it would increase the risk of future reductions in production capacity.
Chang Feng-lin is a university administrative staff member.
Translated by Eddy Chang
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is
A Pale View of Hills, a movie released last year, follows the story of a Japanese woman from Nagasaki who moved to Britain in the 1950s with her British husband and daughter from a previous marriage. The daughter was born at a time when memories of the US atomic bombing of Nagasaki during World War II and anxiety over the effects of nuclear radiation still haunted the community. It is a reflection on the legacy of the local and national trauma of the bombing that ended the period of Japanese militarism. A central theme of the movie is the need, at