During a question-and-answer session at the Legislative Yuan in Taipei last week, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Ho Hsin-chun (何欣純) said that more than 70 percent of the 726 uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs) that government agencies use are made by Chinese companies, while the US and Japan have either prohibited or decommissioned China-made UAVs.
Premier Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌) promised that he would appoint Vice Premier Shen Jong-chin (沈榮津) to deal with the UAV issue, adding that the Cabinet would look into the use of Chinese UAVs, and decide as soon as possible whether to ban or decommission them.
The technology has boomed in the past few years, creating drones controlled by portable computers or even smartphones that can fly nearly anywhere at any time. These advanced products exist in modern societies across the world.
Meanwhile, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is devoting a massive amount of resources to the research and development of drones. From a variety of civil drones for daily use to military UAVs capable of performing strike missions, Chinese-made products have become popular procurement objects in many countries.
Drones have diverse applications in economic development as well as in people’s daily lives. For example, apart from serving as recreational and entertainment tools, such devices can also be used for various educational, commercial and agricultural purposes — such as instruction, disaster relief, filmmaking, topographic and geomorphic research, and underground mine exploration.
However, if the software used in these drones is intentionally designed to be controlled by the CCP, they could be transformed into offensive weapons that could be used to attack other countries or as strategic weapons that could be used to steal confidential information from governments.
It is therefore surprising that more than 70 percent of the government’s drones are made by Chinese companies, and this figure is just the official number released by the Cabinet. The unreported number is likely much larger, and the figure is likely to rise as more Chinese UAVs are reported by government agencies.
Taiwan should not deal with this issue carelessly. Besides, according to media reports, the results of a study by the Telecom Technology Center show that some of the government-owned Chinese UAVs might pose an information security risk.
The issue has become a potential national security threat. The Cabinet should demand that all government agencies stop purchasing and using Chinese drones. President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) administration should promptly start treating the issue as a priority national security matter.
Yao Chung-yuan is a university professor and former deputy director of the Ministry of National Defense’s strategic planning department.
Translated Eddy Chang
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan