Russia’s decision to approve a COVID-19 shot before crucial tests have shown that it is safe and effective raises worries that politics will trump public health in the quest for a vaccine.
The country’s plan to start mass inoculations as soon as October could put pressure on other governments to rush ahead of regulators and skip key steps, putting people who get the jabs at risk. Any major setback in Russia could damage confidence in vaccines.
The stakes are high in the bid to end a crisis that has killed more than 774,600 people worldwide. The administration of US President Donald Trump is pushing ahead with “Operation Warp Speed,” an unprecedented US effort to accelerate COVID-19 vaccine development and manufacturing, and a massive mobilization is under way in China to get immunizations across the line.
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s announcement on Tuesday last week on Russia’s shot adds a new twist.
Any move to roll out the vaccine based on limited evidence that it works could have harmful consequences, said Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center and an infectious disease specialist at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.
“That could cause other leaders to say: ‘Look, they’re doing it, and that’s good enough. And if that’s good enough for them, we don’t want to lose out. We want to protect our populations too,’” he said.
History offers lessons on the importance of a rigorous approach to vaccine development, insulated from politics.
Misperceptions about the safety of well-established immunizations are already widespread; actual stumbles that have occurred in the field — although rare — only add to fears, and show how a botched COVID-19 shot could further distort and inflame public opinion.
Russian officials have dismissed concerns about safety and the pace at which the country is moving. Western jealousy, they have said, is fueling criticism of the vaccine, dubbed Sputnik V in a nod to the Soviet Union’s launch of the world’s first satellite sent into space in 1957.
Putin said one of his daughters has already been given the shot.
Authorities said they plan to start inoculating medical workers and other risk groups by the end of this month, introducing it to volunteers who would be closely monitored, and they added that other countries are moving swiftly too.
Russia last month began clinical trials for a second vaccine, developed by the Vector laboratory in Novosibirsk.
Meanwhile, developers including the UK AstraZeneca — the University of Oxford’s partner — and US biotech company Moderna are still in final-stage trials involving tens of thousands of people.
Although Trump has said a vaccine might be ready by the US presidential election on Nov. 3, US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Director Anthony Fauci, the US’ top infectious disease expert, said it might take until well into next year for shots to reach much of the public.
Politicians are not just seeking a vaccine to escape the pandemic. Some could use COVID-19 shots to try to burnish their leadership credentials and bury criticism of past performance.
For British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, it is a chance to show that a Brexit-unchained UK can independently develop vaccines faster than the EU.
A Chinese vaccine might help Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) erase the memory of the virus’ origin.
Trump needs a surprise to turn the polls as the US leads the world in deaths.
Putin has an opportunity to beat the West and gain a strategic advantage. His performance ratings have slumped as Russia’s COVID-19 case tally has risen to the fourth-highest globally.
“He needs a big win,” said Stephen Morrison, director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Global Health Policy Center. “His economy is flat on its back with COVID and the collapse on the oil markets.”
For those reasons, Putin might not be swayed by concerns about any potential adverse impact from the vaccine.
China has already begun using its shot in the military, and those people are unlikely to be able to give informed, voluntary consent, said Lawrence Gostin, a Georgetown University professor of global health law.
That might embolden other political leaders to take similar steps to bypass regulators such as the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA).
Trump is already in some ways behind in a race where the US’ two major geopolitical rivals have used their authoritarian might to sprint ahead.
FDA officials have emphasized that they will clear a COVID-19 vaccine only after careful analysis, basing decisions on “good science and data.”
“I think Trump will try to influence the FDA and it will bend, but won’t break,” Gostin said. “I have confidence in the FDA, but I’m very worried. I have no doubt that we could go the path of China or Russia if we didn’t have strong institutional guardrails.”
Even if he sought to move unilaterally on vaccine authorization, Trump might have boxed himself in with Warp Speed, Morrison said.
The US government has committed billions of dollars to companies to develop vaccines, and they are unlikely to cooperate with a plan to distribute unproven products without testing that shows their safety, he said.
“It’s going to be much more difficult for Trump to pull off a stunt like this than Putin,” Morrison said.
The Russian candidate is being developed by Moscow’s Gamaleya Institute, the Russian Ministry of Defense and the sovereign Russian Direct Investment Fund, who has said the vaccine is undergoing the last phase of trials.
The WHO lists it as still in the earliest stage.
Mass production is lined up in India, South Korea, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Cuba, with at least 20 countries interested in obtaining supplies, the fund said.
Russia’s vaccine could help the global economy recover, fund chief executive officer Kirill Dmitriev has said.
“The countries which quickly gain access to a safe vaccine will make it through the crisis successfully, fearlessly, and with minimal losses,” he said.
As the virus spreads, there is a risk that countries reliant on bigger economies for supplies could end up accepting a product that has not proved itself, Offit said.
Another concern is the impact to the global effort to fight a range of diseases if a fast-moving Russian vaccine runs into problems.
Skeptics would inevitably point to that and other cases from the past.
In 2016, the Philippines started a major drive to vaccinate children against dengue fever.
However, it was suspended after the shot, Dengvaxia, was linked to an increased risk of severe disease in some who had not previously been exposed to the mosquito-borne virus.
After a 1976 outbreak of swine flu in the US stoked fears of a global crisis, then-US president Gerald Ford announced a plan to vaccinate everyone in the country. Soon more than 40 million Americans had received shots.
However, it never turned into a pandemic and some of those who had been vaccinated developed Guillain-Barre syndrome, which can cause temporary paralysis.
Any missteps with a COVID-19 inoculation developed too quickly could impact trust in a safer product that comes later, said Heidi Larson, director of the Vaccine Confidence Project and a professor at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine.
“We have one chance to make a first impression,” she said. “If Russia’s shortcuts in the rush for a vaccine lead to an unnecessary adverse event, it may erode already fragile confidence.”
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
Every day since Oct. 7 last year, the world has watched an unprecedented wave of violence rain down on Israel and the occupied Palestinian Territories — more than 200 days of constant suffering and death in Gaza with just a seven-day pause. Many of us in the American expatriate community in Taiwan have been watching this tragedy unfold in horror. We know we are implicated with every US-made “dumb” bomb dropped on a civilian target and by the diplomatic cover our government gives to the Israeli government, which has only gotten more extreme with such impunity. Meantime, multicultural coalitions of US