Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP) was returned to power on Friday last week in the 13th general election since independence. The PAP has ruled the city-state with a pragmatic hand since 1959 and brought it forward into modernity.
Singapore has become a model for many developing countries, and a display that political control and liberal economic policies can go hand in hand. However, this model has its limitations.
While winning with 61.24 percent of the votes is indeed a comfortable victory, elections in Singapore must be analyzed within the context of its political system.
The PAP, being the only party to ever rule an independent Singapore, has deeply ingrained itself in the system. Thus, general elections, while inevitably bringing the PAP back into power, are referendums on how Singaporeans view the current state of affairs.
To put the results into perspective, the PAP in 2011 scored its lowest ever result, 60.1 percent. The party’s leadership under Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong (李顯龍) apologized for its mistakes and promised to do better.
The 2015 general election saw an upward swing to 69.9 percent, attributed to two major factors: the “feel good” factor of the 50th anniversary of independence and the passing of former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew (李光耀).
It was an emotional year for Singaporeans. Who would not support the party that led the nation through the difficult years of the 20th century?
This year, the PAP called for general elections amid the global COVID-19 pandemic, hoping that the public would be motivated by a “flight to safety,” choosing what is familiar over something new.
The party leadership thought that in times of crisis Singaporeans would not want to rock the boat. Their goal was to achieve a “strong mandate” to bring Singapore out of the COVID-19 crisis.
The results show otherwise. The major opposition parties made significant gains, although only one such party managed to secure seats in parliament.
The Workers’ Party (WP) won 10 of the 93 seats in the legislature, while the newly formed Progress Singapore Party came in third at 10.18 percent, but without any seats.
Unfortunately, polling and surveys, especially of a political nature, are difficult to conduct in Singapore, but it is likely that the electorate swung against the PAP due to dissatisfaction with the national situation.
Prior to COVID-19, issues like income inequality, rising costs of living, and the increase of the Goods and Services Tax were contentious. Many of these issues, exacerbated by COVID-19, remain unresolved.
However, Singapore is no stranger to opposition politics, the “first wave” of oppositional figures emerged in 1984 when J.B. Jeyaretnam of the WP and Chiam See Tong (詹時中) of the Singapore Democratic Party gained seats in parliament.
The “second wave” came in 2011 when five WP candidates were elected.
This year saw the “third wave,” with the highest-ever number of seats awarded to the WP, in a country where opposition parties are heavily controlled.
What the elections have shown is that the people’s will can prevail. Singapore must continue to build a democratic society, not according to the standards of the West, but by its own standards.
This is neither in support of a “democracy” syncretized with so-called “Asian values,” nor is this in support of a controlled democracy. It means that Singapore must establish a democratic culture worthy of being called so — a Singaporean democracy that does not compromise or bastardize the democratic spirit.
The past few years have been tough for democracy in Asia.
Malaysia, having experienced a moment of euphoria after unseating its long- standing ruling party, saw the very coalition that brought down the National Front coalition government fall apart.
Hong Kong, while being familiar with the demise of democracy, is revered by the world and history for the fortitude of its people.
The Philippines last month saw the passage of anti-terror legislation that has raised concerns about curtailing human rights.
Taiwan’s democratic bastion continues to be threatened by China, and yet the people of Taiwan resolutely stand together.
Building democracy requires momentum, trust and fortitude. If the litmus test of a democratic society is how well alternative voices and oppositional parties make their mark, then the opposition in Singapore has succeeded.
It has for decades demonstrated its fortitude and fostered the trust people have invested in them.
The next great task is to maintain momentum. The opposition cannot afford another setback.
Singapore’s democracy, and the democracies of Asia, depends on the survival of alternatives.
Nigel Li is a Singaporean citizen and a student at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations.
Taiwan’s fall would be “a disaster for American interests,” US President Donald Trump’s nominee for undersecretary of defense for policy Elbridge Colby said at his Senate confirmation hearing on Tuesday last week, as he warned of the “dramatic deterioration of military balance” in the western Pacific. The Republic of China (Taiwan) is indeed facing a unique and acute threat from the Chinese Communist Party’s rising military adventurism, which is why Taiwan has been bolstering its defenses. As US Senator Tom Cotton rightly pointed out in the same hearing, “[although] Taiwan’s defense spending is still inadequate ... [it] has been trending upwards
Small and medium enterprises make up the backbone of Taiwan’s economy, yet large corporations such as Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) play a crucial role in shaping its industrial structure, economic development and global standing. The company reported a record net profit of NT$374.68 billion (US$11.41 billion) for the fourth quarter last year, a 57 percent year-on-year increase, with revenue reaching NT$868.46 billion, a 39 percent increase. Taiwan’s GDP last year was about NT$24.62 trillion, according to the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics, meaning TSMC’s quarterly revenue alone accounted for about 3.5 percent of Taiwan’s GDP last year, with the company’s
There is nothing the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) could do to stop the tsunami-like mass recall campaign. KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) reportedly said the party does not exclude the option of conditionally proposing a no-confidence vote against the premier, which the party later denied. Did an “actuary” like Chu finally come around to thinking it should get tough with the ruling party? The KMT says the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is leading a minority government with only a 40 percent share of the vote. It has said that the DPP is out of touch with the electorate, has proposed a bloated
In an eloquently written piece published on Sunday, French-Taiwanese education and policy consultant Ninon Godefroy presents an interesting take on the Taiwanese character, as viewed from the eyes of an — at least partial — outsider. She muses that the non-assuming and quiet efficiency of a particularly Taiwanese approach to life and work is behind the global success stories of two very different Taiwanese institutions: Din Tai Fung and Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC). Godefroy said that it is this “humble” approach that endears the nation to visitors, over and above any big ticket attractions that other countries may have
RSS