Giorgia Meloni went from bar-tending at a Roman nightclub to leading one of Italy’s main political forces that has leapfrogged the party of her former boss, former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, in popularity and is even giving ally Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini a run for his money.
Just how she got so far was clear one afternoon last year at a rally in central Rome dubbed “Italy pride.”
Thousands of people packed into San Giovanni Square on Oct. 19, waving national flags and holding aloft green, white and red balloons as the three leaders who form the center-right bloc laid out their vision for Italy. The 83-year-old Berlusconi got a lukewarm reception, Salvini gave the typically combative performance his fans had come for, but it was Meloni, leader of the Brothers of Italy party, who enthralled the crowd.
Illustration: Yusha
“I am Giorgia, I am a woman, I am a mother, I am Italian, I am a Christian, and you can’t take that away from me!” she roared in a speech that opponents say is eerily reminiscent of the fascist message her party traces its roots to. A pair of Italian DJs made an ironic remix of her words — instead of hurting her, it went viral with almost 9 million views on YouTube, and became the anthem of her followers.
As the Italian right comes to the fore, the League’s Salvini has grabbed most of the attention so far, but Meloni, 43, is starting to make waves. Friends and foes alike point to her charisma and say she is steely and methodical, whereas Salvini is prone to flashes of temper and miscalculation. With half a dozen regional elections set for the spring, the next few months will tell whether she can expand her party’s support.
She calls for increased public investment and infrastructure projects, opposes granting citizenship to children born in Italy to immigrants and wants army patrols to be deployed to fight crime. She is against gay marriage and is a fierce defender of Italy’s Christian heritage against “Islamization.”
PLASTER FIGURINES
Her office, on the top of parliament with a terrace overlooking central Rome, features a collection of plaster figurines she calls her “guardian angels.”
Like other right-wing female politicians, Meloni does not define herself as a feminist and rejects gender quotas as an instrument of the left. Meloni, who worked as a babysitter and bartender to pay for her studies, is fiercely pro-family. She has pushed to get support for working mothers and to encourage them to have more children in a country that is facing its worst democratic crisis since World War I.
Her ascendancy is reshaping the center-right bloc. With the sidelining of Berlusconi, its most pro-European personality despite his often-poor relations with fellow-leaders when he was premier, the alliance is becoming more euroskeptic, more critical of the euro under the influence of Salvini and Meloni.
Abroad, her profile is also rising. She traveled to Washington earlier this month to speak at the National Prayer Breakfast and will go again for the yearly Conservative Political Action Conference. She is a fan of US President Donald Trump and European right-wing leaders like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, while she frequently lashes out against French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel.
Born to a Sicilian mother and a father from Sardinia who left the family when she was young, Meloni grew up in Garbatella, a working-class neighborhood in southern Rome founded by former dictator Benito Mussolini. The fascist heritage endured, and it was to the right that Meloni turned when her interest in politics was awakened by a surge in mafia violence.
“She was a real activist, tough, combative, the one who had a megaphone to lead demonstrators,” said Carlo Fidanza, a European lawmaker for Brothers of Italy who has known her since the 1990s when she was in the youth wing of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI).
Meloni won her first local election at age 21 and later entered parliament as a lawmaker for a descendant of the MSI, the increasingly mainstream National Alliance. It merged with Berlusconi’s conservatives, and she became the youngest person to hold a Cabinet position, serving as youth minister from 2008 to 2011.
ECHOES OF MUSSOLINI
A year later, she broke with four-time premier Berlusconi to co-found Fratelli d’Italia, as the party is known in Italian, taking its name from the first words of the national anthem and the tricolor flame logo of its far-right predecessors.
There are echoes of Mussolini’s two-decade rule in what Meloni does. She chose Latina, a town south of Rome that he built, to launch her campaign for the 2018 general election. With his granddaughter Rachele by her side, she promised to take back “this symbolic place in the history of the Italian right.” Her talking points hark back to a far-right past — the nation, patriotism and the family.
Asked about the fascist dictator in a Feb. 3 interview, Meloni chooses her words carefully: “I see him as very distant from my own story; he’s a historical phenomenon and he has to be judged as such, in his context.”
Italy’s relationship with its fascist past is complicated. Mussolini retained a following in post-war politics among nationalists who were proud of his attempt to re-establish the country as a great power. Though banned and ostracized, fascism never became a political taboo like Nazism in Germany.
At the same time, the Republican constitution drafted by members of the resistance after World War II reflects mostly anti-fascist values. They form the core ideology of today’s Democratic Party, which sees the rise of politicians like Salvini and Meloni as a threat.
These voters she might never reach, but it is the ones in between — disillusioned with traditional political parties and anti-establishment forces — that she aims to win over.
And therein lies her problem.
“Meloni’s electoral base is a specific section of the right, for physiological reasons it could grow to 15 percent at the most, depending on the misfortunes of Berlusconi,” said Franco Pavoncello, a political science professor and president of John Cabot University in Rome. “Meloni could be stuck playing the junior partner to Salvini, because the League dominates the center-right.”
KISSING CURED PORK
On social media, Meloni shares only glimpses of her private life with her 1.4 million followers, posting, for example, a photo of pink booties to announce the birth of daughter Ginevra with partner Andrea Giambruno three years ago. You do not see her goofing off, kissing cured pork or buying underwear, like Salvini.
Meloni’s rhetoric can be tougher and even more controversial than that of firebrand Salvini. After a ship carrying migrants docked in Sicily in June — in defiance of Salvini who was interior minister at the time — she called for it to be seized and sunk, and the crew arrested. In an increasingly polarized society, such observations will find many Italians nodding in agreement, and just as many appalled. As Salvini discovered, being divisive and provocative gets you attention, but can stifle your cross-over appeal if people either love or hate you.
In the 2018 general elections, Brothers of Italy won just 4.4 percent, and her support in last year’s European Parliament elections mostly came from the economically depressed regions of Calabria and Puglia and around Rome. Now her party is polling 11 percent, has overtaken Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and is closing the gap with the anti-establishment Five Star Movement. Meloni is personally more popular than Salvini and second only to Premier Giuseppe Conte, according to an Ixe survey on Tuesday.
That is partly down to miscalculations Salvini made in trying to become premier, says Lorenzo Pregliasco, director of YouTrend polling and analysis firm. He failed to force general elections when he ditched Conte’s first coalition with Five Star over the summer and did not manage to win the leftist bastion of Emilia-Romagna in regional elections in January, despite high exposure on the campaign trail.
Some voters on the right in southern and central regions just prefer Brothers of Italy because they remember the League’s initial campaign for northern secession, which Salvini has since dropped, Pregliasco added.
Meloni’s strength is the consistency of her message, said a senior Democratic Party lawmaker, and she has stayed away from Conte and Five Star so she is seen as “pure” by many.
However, the League is still Italy’s most popular party, and she gives any rivalry with Salvini short shrift.
“I don’t think it would be intelligent to target our allies as adversaries,” she says.
The League, together with her party, would win a majority in the lower house — without Berlusconi — in a future parliament with fewer seats and if a proportional electoral system now under discussion is adopted, according to a recent projection by Corriere della Sera.
Italy has never had a female prime minister. Meloni wants to be the first.
“It’s as if this society has taught us that we women can’t be good enough,” she says, “but if in daily life society entrusts to women what is most precious — your family, your children — why shouldn’t that be the case in politics?”
When US budget carrier Southwest Airlines last week announced a new partnership with China Airlines, Southwest’s social media were filled with comments from travelers excited by the new opportunity to visit China. Of course, China Airlines is not based in China, but in Taiwan, and the new partnership connects Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport with 30 cities across the US. At a time when China is increasing efforts on all fronts to falsely label Taiwan as “China” in all arenas, Taiwan does itself no favors by having its flagship carrier named China Airlines. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is eager to jump at
The muting of the line “I’m from Taiwan” (我台灣來欸), sung in Hoklo (commonly known as Taiwanese), during a performance at the closing ceremony of the World Masters Games in New Taipei City on May 31 has sparked a public outcry. The lyric from the well-known song All Eyes on Me (世界都看見) — originally written and performed by Taiwanese hip-hop group Nine One One (玖壹壹) — was muted twice, while the subtitles on the screen showed an alternate line, “we come here together” (阮作伙來欸), which was not sung. The song, performed at the ceremony by a cheerleading group, was the theme
Secretary of State Marco Rubio raised eyebrows recently when he declared the era of American unipolarity over. He described America’s unrivaled dominance of the international system as an anomaly that was created by the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War. Now, he observed, the United States was returning to a more multipolar world where there are great powers in different parts of the planet. He pointed to China and Russia, as well as “rogue states like Iran and North Korea” as examples of countries the United States must contend with. This all begs the question:
Liberals have wasted no time in pointing to Karol Nawrocki’s lack of qualifications for his new job as president of Poland. He has never previously held political office. He won by the narrowest of margins, with 50.9 percent of the vote. However, Nawrocki possesses the one qualification that many national populists value above all other: a taste for physical strength laced with violence. Nawrocki is a former boxer who still likes to go a few rounds. He is also such an enthusiastic soccer supporter that he reportedly got the logos of his two favorite teams — Chelsea and Lechia Gdansk —
RSS