China has not engaged in deliberate “debt-trap diplomacy” in the Pacific, but the burgeoning scale of its lending, and institutional weakness within Pacific states, pose clear risks for small states being overwhelmed by debt, a new report argues.
An infrastructure arms race between China and other countries with interests in the region — including Australia — might only exacerbate the problem.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative has exposed the issue of unsustainable debt risk for less-developed countries, in particular for the small and fragile economies of the Pacific, said the Lowy Institute report, Ocean of Debt?
Illustration: Mountain People
However, the report’s authors, Roland Rajah, Alexandre Dayant and Jonathan Pryke, argue that China’s global infrastructure plan presents a more “nuanced picture” than the accusation of “debt-trap diplomacy” and sovereign risk to small nations unable to service their debts.
“The evidence suggests China has not been engaged in problematic debt practices in the Pacific as to justify accusations of debt trap diplomacy, at least not to date. Still, the sheer scale of Chinese lending and the lack of strong institutional mechanisms to protect the debt sustainability of borrowing countries mean a continuation of business as usual would pose clear risks,” the report said.
“China will need to substantially restructure its approach if it wants to remain a major player in the Pacific without fulfilling the debt trap accusations of its critics,” the report added.
“Debt-trap diplomacy,” broadly defined, is when a creditor country intentionally lends excessive credit to a smaller debtor country, with the intention of extracting economic or political concessions when the smaller country cannot service the loan.
Due to small populations, fragile economies prone to external shocks (like oil price hikes) or uncontrollable events such as natural disasters, and weak institutions of government, Pacific states are acutely vulnerable to debts becoming unsustainable.
Economic growth in Pacific states is “more volatile than it is fast,” and that unpredictably could make repaying large loans unsustainable, the Lowy report said.
China’s massively increased aid and development presence in the Pacific is made starkly apparent by its contrasting style to traditional aid donors in the region, such as Australia.
China has backed infrastructure development — usually large, landmark constructions such as bridges or significant public buildings — and usually through loans rather than through grants.
“Chinese assistance is perceived to be faster, more responsive to the needs of local political elites and have fewer conditions attached. As one senior Pacific bureaucrat put it: ‘We like China because they bring the red flags, not the red tape,’” the Lowy report said.
China’s development presence was acutely apparent when Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison visited Fiji last week. In order to meet with the Fijian Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama, Morrison’s motorcade had to drive over the Fiji-China friendship bridge, and past the construction site of a Chinese-financed 30-story tower, soon to be the tallest building in the Pacific islands.
However, the nature and quality of Chinese infrastructure projects have been criticized.
Former Australian minister for international development and the Pacific Concetta Fierravanti-Wells accused Beijing of “duchessing” the Pacific, building “white elephant” infrastructure, “roads to nowhere” and “useless buildings.”
“Tied financing, little due diligence, outsized projects, weak project oversight and fraudulent and corrupt practices are among the many criticisms that have been directed at Chinese projects,” the Lowy report said.
However, a 2014 study analyzing the impact and quality of Chinese projects in the Pacific found some performed far better than others.
“The evidence suggests that, if left alone, Chinese state firms will cut corners and inflate prices. If managed properly, they can deliver good quality infrastructure,” the Lowy report said.
The case of Hambantota port in Sri Lanka is held up as an exemplar of “debt-trap” diplomacy.
After the Export-Import Bank of China financed, and Chinese companies built, a new inland port in Hambantota — the home district of former Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa, who greenlit the port, and after whom it is named — the Sri Lankan government ran into debt-related problems and a debt-for-equity swap was proposed, giving a state-owned Chinese firm a majority equity stake in the strategically located port starting from 2017.
Similarly, Tonga, a country of 100,000 people, still owes the Chinese bank A$108 million (US$ 74 million at the current exchange rate) — about 25 percent of Tonga’s GDP — for loans taken out in 2008 and 2010, and since deferred twice.
Last year, then-Australian minister for foreign affairs Julie Bishop said that Australia wanted to ensure Pacific states were not “trapped into unsustainable debt outcomes” by Chinese loans.
“The trap can then be a debt-for-equity swap and they have lost their sovereignty,” Bishop said.
In August, US Secretary of Defense Mark Esper accused China of destabilizing the region through “predatory economics and debt-for-sovereignty deals.”
China has fiercely rejected the accusations.
Chinese Ambassador to Samoa Chao Xiaoliang (巢小良) wrote in the Samoa Observer: “Rather than pointing fingers at China’s good deeds, those who keep on making groundless accusations and speculations might as well do more themselves to provide help to the Pacific island countries. Some people questioned the purpose of China’s aid, even disregarded the facts and fabricated the so-called ‘China debt trap’ — this is either out of prejudice or ignorance of China’s foreign aid policy.”
The Lowy paper argues that to avoid its Pacific infrastructure projects becoming debt traps for small nations, China should reform its lending practices to be closer to those of the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, “the standard-bearers for international good practice.”
“If China wants to remain a major development financier in the Pacific without fulfilling the debt trap accusations of its critics, it will need to substantially restructure its approach, including adopting formal lending rules similar to those of the multilateral development banks,” the report said.
Despite a significantly decreased aid budget — currently a historic low 0.21 percent of gross national income — Australia remains the dominant aid provider to the region. However, as part of the “Pacific Step-Up” it announced in November last year, Australia is seeking to move more into providing loans, alongside aid grants, with the A$2 billion Australian Infrastructure Financing Facility for the Pacific — A$1.5 billion in loans, A$0.5 billion in grants — as well as another A$1 billion in callable capital for Export Finance Australia.
The Lowy paper warns against an infrastructure ‘arms race’ with China in the Pacific, arguing it could worsen the risk of debt traps for island nations.
“There are concerns that in seeking to compete directly with loans from China, Australia might simply exacerbate existing debt sustainability problems in the Pacific,” it said.
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its