When Jean-Claude Juncker became European Commission president five years ago, he confronted formidable challenges, but the test faced by his successor, Ursula von der Leyen, is even more complex.
As Von der Leyen underscored in her “agenda for Europe,” one of her top priorities must be to carry out “a new push for European democracy.”
She can strengthen the EU’s democratic legitimacy in two ways: on the output side, by making sure that the EU delivers on citizens’ expectations at a time of rapid change and escalating external challenges, and on the input side, by fostering constructive cooperation with the European Parliament.
Yet, today, the European Parliament is highly fragmented and polarized, making a stable, pro-European coalition difficult to build. To pass legislation, Von der Leyen would need the support of the Conservatives and Social Democrats, as well as robust and productive working relationships with the Greens and the Liberals. She would probably have to form flexible coalitions in specific areas, which would be time-consuming and increases the risk of political failure on contentious issues.
After the recent elections, for the first time in the European Parliament’s history, pro-European factions — the conservative European People’s Party, the Social Democrats, the Greens and the Liberals — met to create a cross-party political program. Yet the process stalled, as the parliament could not agree on its own candidate for the office of commission president, and a four-party “coalition agreement” is no longer on the table.
Von der Leyen should nonetheless engage the parliament politically as much as she can, beginning with the priorities included in the mission letters that she must send to commissioners. These priorities should be shaped by discussions with the newly elected chairs of the parliamentary groups.
Fostering constructive cooperation with the parliament would require credible implementation of a de facto right of initiative for the parliament, regular dialogue with the president and the enduring commitment of every single commissioner.
Von der Leyen must be able to rely on her team to help her navigate the complex political environment not only in the parliament, but also in the European Council, and to guide her efforts to engage the European public in a debate on the EU’s future.
That is why Von der Leyen must ensure that when tailoring the commissioners’ portfolios, inter-institutional relations are given sufficient weight.
In the previous commission, Vice President Frans Timmermans handled such relations as part of his vast portfolio. In the new commission, inter-institutional relations — together with democratization — should form a commissioner’s full portfolio.
That commissioner’s task would be hugely important, and thus should be undertaken by an experienced policymaker — ideally someone who has worked at the national and European levels, in the European Parliament and with the council.
Given Von der Leyen’s party affiliation, a Social Democrat would be a good choice, although whoever is chosen would need to be able to work across party lines.
Working directly with Von der Leyen and the commission’s vice presidents, this commissioner should manage overall relations with the European Parliament and the General Affairs Council, while also helping to coordinate each individual commissioner’s interactions with the parliament. This portfolio would include preparation of the commission’s annual and pluri-annual programs and, in particular, its joint declaration with the parliament on annual legislative priorities.
Moreover, given the portfolio’s lack of policy specialization, this commissioner could support Von der Leyen in handling particularly urgent, controversial or otherwise delicate issues — such as migration or eurozone reform — that require extra political effort to enable progress.
Such a commissioner could also ensure that actions in internal and external policy areas — from the common foreign and security policy to engagement with Europe’s broader neighborhood — are coherent.
Finally, this commissioner would play an important role in helping to implement one of the priorities Von der Leyen has outlined in her agenda: the Conference on the Future of Europe, which is supposed to deliver results as early as next summer.
This ambitious endeavor — in which the public, civil society and European institutions are to participate on an equal footing — would require careful preparation and stewardship, not least because Von der Leyen wants the European Parliament, council and commission jointly to define its goals and scope in advance.
In this and other areas, the stakes are higher for the commission and the parliament than they were during the previous term. Delivering the tangible results that citizens are demanding would require leaders to master rapidly changing policymaking conditions, characterized by rising internal EU skepticism and intensifying external pressure, including interference from outside actors such as China.
Transformative technological change and monumental threats such as climate change compound the challenge.
In this context, the European Commission and the parliament should be more motivated than ever to cooperate. This should include annual reviews of priorities by the commission, in collaboration with the parliament, to assess progress and identify necessary action.
Such a process has become all the more important at a time when EU member governments are losing patience with supranational decision-making.
Unless EU institutions prove themselves, member governments might be tempted to circumvent them and cooperate within smaller groups, for the sake of efficiency.
Ensuring effective cooperation with a fragmented European Parliament will not be easy, but it is possible, especially for a commission that places the highest priority on doing so, while enhancing its own legitimacy by leading a broad public debate on Europe’s future. That is the commission Von der Leyen must build.
Daniela Schwarzer is director of the German Council on Foreign Relations.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Taiwan faces complex challenges like other Asia-Pacific nations, including demographic decline, income inequality and climate change. In fact, its challenges might be even more pressing. The nation struggles with rising income inequality, declining birthrates and soaring housing costs while simultaneously navigating intensifying global competition among major powers. To remain competitive in the global talent market, Taiwan has been working to create a more welcoming environment and legal framework for foreign professionals. One of the most significant steps in this direction was the enactment of the Act for the Recruitment and Employment of Foreign Professionals (外國專業人才延攬及僱用法) in 2018. Subsequent amendments in
The recent passing of Taiwanese actress Barbie Hsu (徐熙媛), known to many as “Big S,” due to influenza-induced pneumonia at just 48 years old is a devastating reminder that the flu is not just a seasonal nuisance — it is a serious and potentially fatal illness. Hsu, a beloved actress and cultural icon who shaped the memories of many growing up in Taiwan, should not have died from a preventable disease. Yet her death is part of a larger trend that Taiwan has ignored for too long — our collective underestimation of the flu and our low uptake of the
US President Donald Trump on Saturday signed orders to impose tariffs on Canada, Mexico and China effective from today. Trump decided to slap 25 percent tariffs on goods from Mexico and Canada as well as 10 percent on those coming from China, but would only impose a 10 percent tariff on Canadian energy products, including oil and electricity. Canada and Mexico on Sunday quickly responded with retaliatory tariffs against the US, while countermeasures from China are expected soon. Nevertheless, Trump announced yesterday to delay tariffs on Mexico and Canada for a month and said he would hold further talks with
Taiwan’s undersea cables connecting it to the world were allegedly severed several times by a Chinese ship registered under a flag of convenience. As the vessel sailed, it used several different automatic identification systems (AIS) to create fake routes. That type of “shadow fleet” and “gray zone” tactics could create a security crisis in Taiwan and warrants response measures. The concept of a shadow fleet originates from the research of Elisabeth Braw, senior fellow at the Washington-based Atlantic Council. The phenomenon was initiated by authoritarian countries such as Iran, North Korea and Russia, which have been hit by international economic