US President Donald Trump’s administration’s confused response to the Hong Kong crisis risks emboldening Beijing.
In June, Hong Kongers began demonstrating against a proposed extradition bill that threatens the territory’s autonomy.
Opposition to this proposal was so strong that at its peak, 2 million people were on the streets — roughly one-third of the population.
In response, the Hong Kong government suspended the bill, but did not fully withdraw it, a measure that was not good enough for many. This face-saving fudge, alongside the government’s general ineptitude and police brutality perpetrated under its watch, has led to weeks of demonstrations.
As the dispute went on, the list of demands from this leaderless movement grew. Most want an inquiry into the police’s behavior, others amnesty for those arrested.
There were calls for Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam (林鄭月娥) to step down and the demand for democratic reform was renewed. All of this from a people who have experienced little but disappointment since the “Umbrella movement” in 2014.
Their determination should be applauded, as it has been by members of the US Congress, who have also warned Beijing that the world is watching to see how it responds. The US Department of State, too, has remained reliably resolute. Meanwhile, in recent months, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and US Vice President Mike Pence have warmly welcomed leading pro-democracy figures to Washington.
Yet Trump’s remarks have bordered on the facile, from calling the protests a “very tough situation” to saying “I just hope it gets solved.” Not to mention the praise he has heaped on Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Xi Jinping (習近平) via Twitter.
In dangerous times, as armored Chinese paramilitary vehicles move along the Shenzhen-Hong Kong border, the US must show resolve — instead of appearing confused.
Worse still, on Aug. 1, the US president told the press: “Something is probably happening with Hong Kong, because when you look at, you know, what’s going on, they’ve had riots for a long period of time. And I don’t know what China’s attitude is. Somebody said that at some point they’re going to want to stop that, but that’s between Hong Kong and that’s between China, because Hong Kong is a part of China. They’ll have to deal with that themselves. They don’t need advice.”
This is problematic for several reasons: One of the most objectionable being that it buys into the CCP’s line that what happens in Hong Kong is its business alone.
This is not the case. The US has interests in the territory, and not just commercial ones. Safeguarding democracy and human rights has been, when the country is at its best, a core goal of US foreign policy. After all, it was Republican Party darling and former US president Ronald Reagan who said that the US has an obligation “never to let those who would destroy freedom dictate the future course of life on this planet.”
Clearly this lofty 1980s idealism is a far cry from the current “America first” agenda whereby trade trumps most other considerations.
According to Politico, angling to improve his trade deal, Trump promised Xi that he would not condemn the Chinese government over a crackdown during a telephone call in mid-June. If true, this would explain the mixed messages coming from the White House and the rest of the administration in recent months.
Not only is this sort of silence cowardly, but it is also the sort of signal that has historically tempted tyrants. Fortunately, in recent days, Trump’s mercantilist mindset appears somewhat mollified with the president telling Xi that a trade deal will be dependent on a peaceful resolution to the Hong Kong protests.
Whether this change of course will make the US’ position appear more resolute, or just confuse Beijing more, remains to be seen.
Gray Sergeant is a British writer focusing on East Asian politics.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
RSS