The term “lost generation” describes the generation that came of age during World War I. The term was popularized by US author Ernest Hemingway in The Sun Also Rises and entered the global lexicon, with many of Hemingway’s contemporaries adopting the term in their writing.
Hemingway, in turn, credited US writer Gertrude Stein for having coined the phrase while the two were living in Paris. The term helped shape the mood of a generation and inspired a rich body of literature.
A generation shares its fate with the era in which it lives, including its politics, economics and culture. A sense of loss manifests itself through culture and is reflected in a society’s politics.
In Taiwan following World War II, Japanese colonial rule was replaced by Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) rule. The Taiwanese elite, schooled by the Japanese colonial government, had to overcome the imposition of a new language, the 228 Incident and the White Terror era.
After the KMT fled China and installed itself in Taiwan, new immigrants arrived, far from their native land. These “lost” people from abroad and “lost” Taiwanese eventually put aside their differences and formed a kind of common generational bond.
On the front line of the Cold War, Taiwan established itself as a thriving export economy. However, a combination of government concessions, protectionism, a miscalculated industrial upgrade and an unsound economic structure meant that Taiwanese businesses were unable to adapt and fell into a cycle of birth, growth, maturation and decline.
Taiwan’s economic prowess gradually trickled away to China, leaving the nation’s economy in dire straits and increasing the wealth gap.
The generation of Taiwanese born after World War II had to live through the Martial Law era; politics was in a state of constant distress, yet the economy was flourishing and there was money to be made.
Conversely, once martial law was lifted and Taiwanese gained their political freedom through a steady process of democratic reform, economic growth began to fizzle out.
Taiwanese businessman Hsu Chung-jen (徐重仁), president of Pxmart and formerly of President Chain Store Corp, two major national retail chains, last week criticized younger Taiwanese for complaining about low wages while spending beyond their means.
Hsu’s criticism is a metaphor for inter-generational change in Taiwan.
When Hsu made the comment, he might have been reflecting the attitude of his generation and might have privately thought that he was repeating a self-evident truth, but a disenchanted youth was stirred and enraged.
We are living in a different era and the younger generation has been dealt a different hand from that of their parents, which has created inter-generation conflict.
One only has to look at how the older generation of military personnel, civil servants and public-school teachers opposes pension reform to protect their special privileges. How should the younger generation react?
History is about the ebb and flow of one generation being replaced by the next. How did Germany and Japan, defeated in World War II, revitalize their shattered nations, and especially their sense of national purpose? Rebuilding a nation’s economy, politics and culture and its society is a question of structure.
Taiwan is still not a genuine, normalized nation: The older generation has handed down an abnormal nation. The political awakening of the younger generation has ushered in a new phase for Taiwan. It has fallen to the new “lost generation” of Taiwanese to initiate their nation’s economic and cultural revival.
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
Translated by Edward Jones
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several