Opposing the Sunko Ink Co chemicals plant in Taichung’s Dali District (大里) was my first assignment for the environmental movement. After that, the environmental campaigns kept on coming, propelling Taiwan’s turbulent environmental movement forward. During this period, the 1986 campaign against the Dupont Taiwan factory in Changhua County’s Lugang Township (鹿港) stands out as being different from the Sunko Ink campaign.
Sunko Ink had already built a plant that was a clear source of pollution, while the Dupont Taiwan plant was still in the planning stage. Additionally, Sunko Ink is a domestic manufacturer, while Dupont is a multinational conglomerate. In 1986, martial law had yet to be lifted, and the social forces that had been restricted for so many decades were still trying to break through their political restraints.
The movement against Dupont Taiwan’s titanium dioxide plant brought together a group of small-town intellectuals who were already involved in social issues and who were also intimately connected with the now-defunct Humanity Magazine (人間雜誌).
Compared with the environmental campaign against Sunko Ink, the campaign against Dupont Taiwan ran much deeper through society. Due to the large amount of support lent to the campaign by intellectuals, its appeals took on a more literary and artistic flavor. Yang Tu (楊渡), Chung Chiao (鍾喬) and Lu Szu-yueh (盧思岳) are all accomplished writers and poets.
Their efforts brought together leading figures within society and helped facilitate a field work project and investigation by students from National Taiwan University into Dupont Taiwan. Through their extracurricular assignment, the students responded to the call of their native land, showing a concern for the truth, while also building up their capabilities for the 1990 Wild Lily student movement.
Another pioneering aspect of the campaign against Dupont Taiwan was its use of the power of civil society to repel a multinational conglomerate. In the world’s struggle against the forces of imperialism and exploitation, a very real battle was being fought.
Was this a matter of political direction or of circumstance? The forces in Taiwan opposed to the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) are moving toward the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). There were originally many different forces, but through cooperation and competition, many of these forces have disappeared. It was not long before I too joined this mainstream force and the political party that was about to be established, the DPP, and even took part in its operations.
During this time, many friends who engaged in the campaign against Dupont remained outside political circles, as they continued to write and teach, make movies and engage in community work. They all performed exceptionally well in their professional endeavors, but they kept their distance from politics.
Regrettably, some friends became gradually estranged due to different political ideologies, and we became opposed to each other as we joined different political organizations. I try to refrain from judging others and do my utmost to remain respectful, nor will I criticize others for their political or religious beliefs. The main reason for this is that I still value the good experiences we shared in the past.
During the great debate over Taiwanese literature in the 1970s, everyone worked together and had the strength to resist oppression. During the campaign against Dupont, they were working for Taiwan, and the simple and honest little township of Lugang (鹿港) worked to oppose the pollution that it saw coming. At the time, academics, students and residents alike were all very pure in their intentions, and I still miss the purity and authenticity of the campaign.
Today, the movements and campaigns, including political movements, are becoming increasingly and severely polarized, and this makes me think of an article of reflections by Academia Sinica’s Institute of Taiwan History associate research fellow Wu Rwei-ren (吳叡人) published in 2006. In it, Wu said that using provincial origin as a basis for power distribution had further systematized and politicized ethnic relations and made provincial origin-ethnic belonging the main political and social division in Taiwanese society.
Looking back at the campaign against Dupont, I cannot help but regret that such events must take place. Could it be that this is a historical necessity?
I miss the purity and beauty of those days, and regret the divisions and the noise and clamor of today. Thirty years have passed since the campaign, and it is a treasured memory. There is only one way to express my feelings to the friends that joined hands and fought together all those years ago: We have to work even harder.
Liao Yung-lai is a former Taichung county commissioner.
Translated by Edward Jones and Perry Svensson
A foreign colleague of mine asked me recently, “What is a safe distance from potential People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Rocket Force’s (PLARF) Taiwan targets?” This article will answer this question and help people living in Taiwan have a deeper understanding of the threat. Why is it important to understand PLA/PLARF targeting strategy? According to RAND analysis, the PLA’s “systems destruction warfare” focuses on crippling an adversary’s operational system by targeting its networks, especially leadership, command and control (C2) nodes, sensors, and information hubs. Admiral Samuel Paparo, commander of US Indo-Pacific Command, noted in his 15 May 2025 Sedona Forum keynote speech that, as
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) last week announced that the KMT was launching “Operation Patriot” in response to an unprecedented massive campaign to recall 31 KMT legislators. However, his action has also raised questions and doubts: Are these so-called “patriots” pledging allegiance to the country or to the party? While all KMT-proposed campaigns to recall Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmakers have failed, and a growing number of local KMT chapter personnel have been indicted for allegedly forging petition signatures, media reports said that at least 26 recall motions against KMT legislators have passed the second signature threshold
The Central Election Commission (CEC) on Friday announced that recall motions targeting 24 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers and Hsinchu Mayor Ann Kao (高虹安) have been approved, and that a recall vote would take place on July 26. Of the recall motions against 35 KMT legislators, 31 were reviewed by the CEC after they exceeded the second-phase signature thresholds. Twenty-four were approved, five were asked to submit additional signatures to make up for invalid ones and two are still being reviewed. The mass recall vote targeting so many lawmakers at once is unprecedented in Taiwan’s political history. If the KMT loses more
Taiwan’s unconditional support “for all legitimate and necessary actions taken by the government of India to safeguard national security and fight terrorist forces that cross borders to attack innocent civilians” marked a monumental shift in the relationship between Taipei and New Delhi. At a time when the Indian government sent several delegations of parliament members to convey to the rest of the world Pakistan’s role in sponsoring terrorism against India, Taiwan became one of the few nations that unequivocally supported India’s military operation, “Sindhoor.” Sure, this change in bilateral ties did not happen in a vacuum. Over the past decade,