Just as the former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) administration’s incompetence and constant fawning over China prompted waves of mass protests during former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) eight years in office, the public’s collective wish for a better future was what propelled the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to power in January.
It was not the DPP’s merits alone that saw Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) elected as president, but also public indignation over the KMT’s China-leaning policies, ill-conceived proposals, and poor administration and execution. Voters were hoping that a change in government would improve the nation, with a shift in attitude toward cross-strait affairs and policies that better address concerns over social justice and national competitiveness.
Yet, in the nearly three months of her presidency, the Tsai administration’s performance has been disappointing, if not far from public expectations.
Yes, the Legislative Yuan, in which the DPP holds a majority, has accomplished the decade-long quest of passing the Act Governing the Handling of Ill-gotten Properties by Political Parties and Their Affiliate Organizations (政黨及其附隨組織不當取得財產處理條例), a laudable first step toward addressing transitional justice. How the executive branch implements the act remains to be seen, however.
Putting that aside, a greater concern has been the manner in which Tsai is making personnel appointments.
First was her nomination of Public Functionary Disciplinary Sanction Commission Chief Commissioner Hsieh Wen-ting (謝文定) and Judicial Yuan Secretary-General Lin Chin-fang (林錦芳) as Judicial Yuan president and vice president respectively. Although Hsieh and Lin on Sunday withdrew their nominations with Tsai’s consent, that Tsai even thought of naming people with such a controversial past — with one purportedly linked to human rights violations during the KMT’s authoritarian rule — is incomprehensible.
Tsai’s judgement on personnel appointments has not only raised doubts over her claims to defend democratic values, but also sparked indignation among people who had pinned their hopes on her administration redressing miscarriages of justice during the White Terror era.
The withdrawal of the nomination, which was met with harsh public criticism and a lukewarm reception even among DPP lawmakers, demonstrated just how big the gap is between the Tsai administration and public expectations.
Another example that calls into question Tsai’s judgement is the appointment of former Council for Economic Planning and Development chairman Chen Tain-jy (陳添枝) as minister of the National Development Council.
Chen was best known for his ardent push for the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with China during Ma’s presidency. His appointment to a position that handles the nation’s development and economic competitiveness policies, in addition to Tsai’s recruitment of other former KMT, pro-ECFA government officials into the new government’s “new southbound policy” program, has many questioning Tsai’s beliefs and judgement, and wondering whether she has had a change of heart since coming to power.
A poll released by Taiwan Indicators Survey Research yesterday showed that Tsai’s approval rating has dipped below 50 percent, while her disapproval rating has risen from 32.3 percent last month to 39.8 percent.
While some might argue that it is natural for a leader to suffer a dip in support after the so-called “honeymoon” period, Tsai should be reminded that “public opinion is like flowing water” — if she does not keep the water flowing, her detachment from mainstream public opinion will see her pounded by a wave of public dissatisfaction just as powerful as the one that swept her into office in the first place.
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has a good reason to avoid a split vote against the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in next month’s presidential election. It has been here before and last time things did not go well. Taiwan had its second direct presidential election in 2000 and the nation’s first ever transition of political power, with the KMT in opposition for the first time. Former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was ushered in with less than 40 percent of the vote, only marginally ahead of James Soong (宋楚瑜), the candidate of the then-newly formed People First Party (PFP), who got almost 37
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate and New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜) has called on his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) counterpart, William Lai (賴清德), to abandon his party’s Taiwanese independence platform. Hou’s remarks follow an article published in the Nov. 30 issue of Foreign Affairs by three US-China relations academics: Bonnie Glaser, Jessica Chen Weiss and Thomas Christensen. They suggested that the US emphasize opposition to any unilateral changes in the “status quo” across the Taiwan Strait, and that if Lai wins the election, he should consider freezing the Taiwanese independence clause. The concept of de jure independence was first
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman and presidential candidate Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) on Thursday reiterated that he is “deep-green at heart” and that he would mostly continue President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) national defense and foreign policies if elected. However, he was still seriously considering forming a “blue-white” electoral alliance with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) less than a month ago, telling students he “hates the KMT, but loathes the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) even more,” while constantly criticizing Tsai’s foreign policy these past few years. Many critics have said that Ko’s latest remarks were aimed at attracting green-leaning swing voters, as recent polls
Taiwan’s Ministry of Labor and India’s Ministry of External Affairs have confirmed that the two countries plan to sign a memorandum of understanding (MOU) this month on recruiting Indians to work in Taiwan. While this marks another step in deepening ties between the two nations, it has also stirred debate, as misunderstandings and disinformation about the plan abound. Taiwan is grappling with a shortage of workers due to a low birthrate and a society that is projected to turn super-aged by 2025. Official statistics show that Taiwan has a labor shortfall of at least 60,000 to 80,000, which is expected
RSS