At the beginning of the year, many Taiwanese were hoping for a step toward constitutional reform. Even passage of the modest proposal to lower the voting age to 18 would have given the public a sense that they are able to realize the fundamental democratic principal of reforming the Constitution, breathing new life into the aging and outdated document.
Unfortunately, although there originally existed a strong consensus about the constitutional reform program, in an atmosphere of backstabbing and scheming between the two main political parties, talks broke down. This meant that groups that had joined forces to promote constitutional reform were forced to swallow the bitter pill of failure at the last moment.
When Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) assumed the post, he argued strongly that the legislature’s power to veto the president’s choice for premier be restored. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) objected just as strongly. At the time, neither party could have predicted that the DPP would be in the running to take more than half the seats in the legislature in January’s elections. The political situation has changed drastically since the beginning of the year.
It is evident that the cross-party constitutional reform program has become mired in short-sighted thinking and short-term political gains. It seems it is not possible for objectivity and sound moral judgement to be taken as a starting point for the creation of a new Constitution that is both fair and reasonable, while containing a balanced and reciprocal set of rights and responsibilities.
By pushing hard that separate absentee voting and lowering of voting age proposals be tied in one bill, the KMT caused discussions to break down.
At least DPP Chairperson and presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) showed sincerity at a conference on constitutional reform organized by civic groups by signing a pledge to reform the Constitution.
Although the reform program fell at the final hurdle, at least there is a sense that if Tsai is elected president, she would feel duty-bound to quickly convene a national conference on constitutional reform.
The conference should be a gathering of all those who care about constitutional reform to thoroughly examine the inadequacies and omissions of the Constitution. Then, if the DPP can achieve three-quarters of the vote in the legislature, the blueprint for constitutional reform — jointly drafted by the public and politicians — would become a reality. This would truly be the start of a new form of localist politics.
Constitutional reform appears to be an issue that is difficult to resolve. However, after last year’s Sunflower movement, civic consciousness has gained a foothold. Add to this the wide-ranging debate on constitutional reform that is being carried out across the nation at all levels of society and it is clear that a number of consensuses have already been reached. All that is required is to take into account the weight of public opinion and everything else would fall into place.
The public anticipates a changing of the guard with the Jan. 16 presidential and legislative elections, which are set to alter the balance of power in the legislature. The significance of such an event would be more than just the alternation of political power. It would provide the nation with an opportunity to relaunch the process of constitutional reform, make progress in political and social development, and build a foundation for long-term political stability.
Ku Chung-hwa is the convener of the preparatory committee for the National Alliance of Constitutional Reform.
Translated by Edward Jones
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