Top jewelry executive Erwin Huang (黃岳永) is a respected power broker in Hong Kong’s business community, but he scored a failing grade when it came to garbage collection.
The 46-year-old got a hard lesson in low-paid work as part of a hit television show that turns some of the financial hub’s wealthiest business titans into its poorest laborers for a few days — sparking a ratings bonanza.
Donning a mask, apron and rubber gloves, Huang nearly passed out from the rotting stench of trash he was tasked with dumping and threatened to quit his temporary job after just a few hours.
“It’s very stinky ... I need some fresh air. I can’t take it anymore,” Huang, who received about US$6 dollars a day, complained to his unimpressed supervisor.
“Look at my hands, they are swollen. It’s because of the dirty water. This is very hard. I’m dizzy, I need some time to rest,” he groaned, taking repeated rest breaks.
Huang’s hapless performance aired on The Battle of the Poor Rich, which has soared in popularity since its 2009 debut.
Some of Hong Kong’s mega-rich have appeared on the show as janitors and sweepers, scrambling for their next meal while sleeping in the territory’s infamous cage homes — tiny cubicles that rent for about US$200 a month.
The wealthy volunteers are taking part in the reality show — which highlights the plight of the territory’s poor — to experience another side of life while hoping to boost their flagging public image.
Huang, then-chief executive of Tse Sui Luen Jewellery, found his small quarters too much to bear in Hong Kong’s stifling heat, so he opted to sleep on the street instead. Adding insult to injury, Huang’s female superior gave him a failing grade, noting that his slack effort caused them to miss the rubbish truck.
“I know some people think it’s funny seeing these millionaires sweep the floor,” said Doris Wong (王祿霞), the show’s executive producer, adding that the gimmicky style “draws audiences.”
The show’s weekly ratings have soared from about 64,000 during the first season to 1.2 million viewers in the second season, or about 17 percent of Hong Kong’s 7 million residents.
The territory is usually associated with laissez-faire economic policies and super-rich tycoons, including its wealthiest man Li Ka-shing (李嘉誠), a household name who has been dubbed “Superman” for his business prowess.
However, a rising tide of anger has emerged in recent years as poor and middle-class residents struggle to afford homes amid soaring property prices.
Now, the once-admired tycoons are more often vilified, including Li and his vast property holdings. Hong Kong’s wage gap is one of the developed world’s largest, while the territory’s millionaire ranks grew about 33 percent last year.
For Hong Kong financier Johnny Chan (陳光明), collecting cardboard was an “eye opening and humbling experience,” far from his lucrative job in Hong Kong’s glitzy financial district.
“When I was on the show, I felt so empty and scared — it was hard living as a cardboard collector,” the 39-year-old father of three said.
“I hope I was able to shine some light on this problem. Society needs to help the poor collectively — the government, media, citizens,” he added.
Although dozens of the territory’s wealthy have forsaken their luxurious lifestyles and Brooks Brothers suits to live in poverty, the show’s producer said it’s tough to find new takers.
“Some of them feared that they will be seen as hypocrites — of doing this show instead of really wanting to help,” Wong said, adding that one person deliberated for two years before agreeing to appear on the show.
“Many rich people have turned us down, saying they don’t know how the public will react,” she added.
Michael Tien (田北辰), a local politician and owner of popular clothing chain G2000, said his time sweeping the territory’s streets “wasn’t tough at all,” but he admitted getting lost taking public transport — he usually has a chauffeur.
“As a prominent figure in Hong Kong, I think it is important to be seen out and about, seeing the world rather than sitting behind a desk,” he said. “As a politician, you can’t afford to be out of touch with your people.”
Tien started his street-sweeping duties at the crack of dawn and earned just enough to buy pre-packaged meals at convenience stores.
“Society’s view of me has changed,” he said. “People on the street have come up to me and thanked me for caring about them ... I’m a much happier person after the show,” Tien added.
Critics cast doubt on whether anyone can understand living in poverty after just a few days, while participants are quick to defend the territory’s elite.
“A lot of wealthier sectors of society actually do a lot for the poor,” Chan said, citing a new charitable fund started by Li. “It’s just that a lot of them don’t publicize it and have a film crew following them around.”
Accusing the territory’s rich of exploiting the poor is “very unfortunate,” he added.
“It is not necessary to demonize us. We keep the economy going and we employ people ... The burden of helping the poor does not fall on the rich,” Chan said.
Still, the show’s executive producer points to signs that the territory’s wealthy are reaching out to the poor more than ever before.
Chan said he has been making more donations and visiting the elderly since his appearance, while Tien said he has called on the territory’s railway system to offer discounts to low-income passengers.
Local reports earlier this year chronicled a masked — and still unidentified — woman handing out money in Hong Kong’s poorest districts.
“We are laying seeds for change,” Wong said. “Hopefully we are changing the mindsets of one rich person at a time.”
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has long been a cornerstone of US foreign policy, advancing not only humanitarian aid but also the US’ strategic interests worldwide. The abrupt dismantling of USAID under US President Donald Trump ‘s administration represents a profound miscalculation with dire consequences for global influence, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. By withdrawing USAID’s presence, Washington is creating a vacuum that China is eager to fill, a shift that will directly weaken Taiwan’s international position while emboldening Beijing’s efforts to isolate Taipei. USAID has been a crucial player in countering China’s global expansion, particularly in regions where
US President Donald Trump has gotten off to a head-spinning start in his foreign policy. He has pressured Denmark to cede Greenland to the United States, threatened to take over the Panama Canal, urged Canada to become the 51st US state, unilaterally renamed the Gulf of Mexico to “the Gulf of America” and announced plans for the United States to annex and administer Gaza. He has imposed and then suspended 25 percent tariffs on Canada and Mexico for their roles in the flow of fentanyl into the United States, while at the same time increasing tariffs on China by 10
With the manipulations of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), it is no surprise that this year’s budget plan would make government operations difficult. The KMT and the TPP passing malicious legislation in the past year has caused public ire to accumulate, with the pressure about to erupt like a volcano. Civic groups have successively backed recall petition drives and public consensus has reached a fever-pitch, with no let up during the long Lunar New Year holiday. The ire has even breached the mindsets of former staunch KMT and TPP supporters. Most Taiwanese have vowed to use
Despite the steady modernization of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the international community is skeptical of its warfare capabilities. Late last month, US think tank RAND Corp published two reports revealing the PLA’s two greatest hurdles: personnel challenges and structural difficulties. The first RAND report, by Jennie W. Wenger, titled Factors Shaping the Future of China’s Military, analyzes the PLA’s obstacles with recruitment, stating that China has long been committed to attracting young talent from top universities to augment the PLA’s modernization needs. However, the plan has two major constraints: demographic changes and the adaptability of the PLA’s military culture.