A few of my friends and I have established an anti-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organization.
The idea was proposed by Professor Lee Hsiao-feng (李筱峰) last year before Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) visited Taiwan. We have called it the Taiwan Youth Anti-Communist Corps (台灣青年反共救國團). Aside from being ironic, the name captures our goal of focusing on Taiwanese youth.
The name is similar to the China Youth Anti-Communist National Salvation Corps (中國反共青年救國團, “China Youth Corps” for short).
That organization, however, deleted “anti-communist national salvation” from its title in 2000.
We are, therefore, two completely different groups, but it is ours that maintains the original anti-CCP spirit.
Dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) once used the slogan “We shall defeat communism and build the nation.” I agree with this slogan.
First, the communists must be defeated before Taiwanese can secure their right to self-determination, as this is the only way we can build the nation.
What type of nation we will establish is an issue to be dealt with through democratic procedures once Taiwan’s territory has been secured.
We cannot enter into extensive arguments at this time about what type of country to establish, as this will lead us into the CCP trap of alienating Taiwanese from each other and weakening their strength in opposing the CCP.
Given Taiwan’s critical situation, opposition to the CCP is our greatest common feature. We must come together and consolidate as much power as possible to set up the broadest possible anti-CCP and anti-unification front.
President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) surrender to the CCP, his ineptitude, his close relationship to big business and distance from the ordinary person are no guarantee that those who love Taiwan will be able to throw him out of office and establish rule by the people.
This is because we get involved in too many unnecessary arguments that sap our strength.
Ma’s prestige is fading, but that of the Democratic Progressive Party is not increasing in its place.
The pan-green camp is embroiled in infighting, and the man on the street probably says that both sides in this party dispute are wrong. This has had a negative impact on the pan-green camp’s reputation and therefore benefits the KMT.
This is not to say that we shouldn’t solve the problems we face, but we must be clear about two kinds of contradiction: Within the green camp, disputes should be calmly debated without generating enemies and diminishing the power within our ranks.
In the same vein, it breaks my heart to see how competition between the pan-blue and pan-green camps has turned into a vicious struggle, because this only benefits the CCP.
Only a few people have sold out Taiwan out of personal interest, while the majority of Taiwanese, including the majority of pan-blue-camp supporters, are not benefiting from their leader’s surrender to China.
For example, issues such as the large amount of Taiwanese investment in China, Chinese students and the importing of cheap labor to compete with Taiwanese workers affect everyone, even those who lean toward the pan-blue camp.
We therefore must work harder to make them aware of these facts.
The CCP used to have a revolutionary song that went “When the East Wind blows and the drums of war sound, who will fear whom in this world?”
In recent years, there have been many reports of assassinations and beatings of police and officials.
In China, it is easy to mobilize tens of thousands of people, disseminate ideas via the Internet and gain widespread support.
To uphold social stability, the CCP has made it compulsory to install content-control software known as Green Dam Youth Escort on computers.
This will place controls on information accessible via the Web.
This shows that the Chinese public serves the CCP and not the other way around.
If the peoples of Taiwan and China can unite in opposition against the CCP, then it can be brought down.
Let us come together and call on every Taiwanese to oppose the CCP as we inaugurate this anti-communist group.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY DREW CAMERON
When Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) sits down with US President Donald Trump in Beijing on Thursday next week, Xi is unlikely to demand a dramatic public betrayal of Taiwan. He does not need to. Beijing’s preferred victory is smaller, quieter and in some ways far more dangerous: a subtle shift in American wording that appears technical, but carries major strategic meaning. The ask is simple: replace the longstanding US formulation that Washington “does not support Taiwan independence” with a harder one — that Washington “opposes” Taiwan independence. One word changes; a deterrence structure built over decades begins to shift.
Taipei is facing a severe rat infestation, and the city government is reportedly considering large-scale use of rodenticides as its primary control measure. However, this move could trigger an ecological disaster, including mass deaths of birds of prey. In the past, black kites, relatives of eagles, took more than three decades to return to the skies above the Taipei Basin. Taiwan’s black kite population was nearly wiped out by the combined effects of habitat destruction, pesticides and rodenticides. By 1992, fewer than 200 black kites remained on the island. Fortunately, thanks to more than 30 years of collective effort to preserve their remaining
After Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in Beijing, most headlines referred to her as the leader of the opposition in Taiwan. Is she really, though? Being the chairwoman of the KMT does not automatically translate into being the leader of the opposition in the sense that most foreign readers would understand it. “Leader of the opposition” is a very British term. It applies to the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy, and to some extent, to other democracies. If you look at the UK right now, Conservative Party head Kemi Badenoch is
A Pale View of Hills, a movie released last year, follows the story of a Japanese woman from Nagasaki who moved to Britain in the 1950s with her British husband and daughter from a previous marriage. The daughter was born at a time when memories of the US atomic bombing of Nagasaki during World War II and anxiety over the effects of nuclear radiation still haunted the community. It is a reflection on the legacy of the local and national trauma of the bombing that ended the period of Japanese militarism. A central theme of the movie is the need, at
RSS