I was the first chairman of the World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI, 台灣獨立建國聯盟). Eighteen years ago, when I returned to Taiwan from the US, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) chairman at that time, Huang Hsin-chieh (黃信介) told me that Taiwanese independence was something that had to be achieved but not something that we could talk about loudly.
A lot of water has passed under the bridge since then, but now President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has said that unification is something that must be carried out but that cannot be talked about loudly.
On July 12 in an interview with Germany’s Suddeutsche Zeitung newspaper, Ma said that Taiwan is not interested in obtaining formal independence from China, but will not take part in unification talks with Beijing.
Ma has pledged to keep to his policy of maintaining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.
Judging from what he is saying, Ma is not pursuing unification with China. Looking at his actions, however, it is easy to see that he is actively promoting it.
PRESSURE
In terms of Taiwan’s sovereignty, Ma has backed down in the face of pressure from China on numerous occasions, including on the so-called “1992 consensus” that there is “one China, with each side having its own interpretation.”
Because Ma states that “one China” refers to the Republic of China, it will be very difficult for his claims to be internationally accepted, and since the “one China with each side having its own interpretation” is not going down well, Ma has in effect been forced to accept China’s “one China” principle.
In addition, Minister of Foreign Affairs Francisco Ou (歐鴻鍊) has said that in the future, Taiwan will use the name “Chinese Taipei” when applying for membership at international organizations such as the WHO.
These moves are aimed at pushing Taiwan into unification with the People’s Republic of China.
THREATS
Apart from all of these threats, since taking office Ma has been insisting on the opening of direct chartered cross-strait flights while showing precious little regard for national security.
Waiving the restrictions on Taiwanese businesses establishing 12-inch wafer plants in China is tantamount to undermining the foundations of Taiwan’s largest and most important industry.
Ma has also greatly relaxed restrictions on China-bound capital investments and encouraged Taiwanese businesses to increase their investments in China.
BLUNDERS
The way in which Ma has been leaning toward China since coming into office has worried both the US and Japan. Talk of permanently canceling sales of US military equipment to Taiwan, and Premier Liu Chao-shiuan’s (劉兆玄) comments about not ruling out going to war with Japan over the Diaoyutai islands are serious diplomatic blunders that have put Taiwan in a dangerous situation internationally.
Ma is apt at saying one thing and doing another. The Taiwanese public should not fall for his tricks and they should pay close attention to what he says and does.
We must stay united and carefully monitor what is going on within Ma’s government. We must protest against anything that is not beneficial to Taiwan.
We cannot let Ma get away with his attempts to achieve unification.
Chai Trong-rong is a DPP legislator.
TRANSLATED BY DREW CAMERON
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
President William Lai (賴清德) on Sunday congratulated Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and her Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on their historic landslide victory in Japan’s general election. The LDP secured the largest single-party majority in post-World War II Japan, winning 316 seats. The win is expected to strengthen ties with Japan’s allies and potentially deter Chinese aggression in the region. American Institute in Taiwan Director Raymond Greene on Monday said that under Takaichi’s leadership, he anticipates deeper coordination among the US, Japan and Taiwan to promote regional stability and prosperity. US President Donald Trump has also shown his strong support for Takaichi,
RSS