When an Islamic political party swept to power in Malaysia's rural Kelantan state in 1990, its leaders created a model of strict fundamentalist rule that seemed out of sync in the progressive, Muslim-majority nation.
The state's largely conservative populace embraced the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) as a harbinger of morality and pious governance. But 17 years later, the party's grip on power has become tenuous amid glacial economic development and heavy reliance on religion for votes.
This has offered the best chance yet for Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's National Front secular coalition to wrest control of the only Malaysian state ruled by the opposition. Elections are widely expected before early 2008.
"Kelantan is the last bastion of our Islamic administration," said party official Osman Mustapha, one of many delegates who voiced anxiety about the party's future during its annual congress earlier this month. "If our enemies seize this state, there will be nothing left, no hope for us. All our members will be heartbroken."
An election loss for the Islamic party would also be a blow to other conservative Islamic movements in Asia, which see the party as a bulwark against Western influence over Islamic societies.
The party's ebbing popularity is evidence that the Kelantanese may have had enough of religious rhetoric, some political observers say.
"Even now, PAS realizes it cannot keep harping on religion, because that strategy is outdated," said Mohamad Agus Yusoff, a political science professor at the National University of Malaysia. "People in Malaysia want to talk about economic progress. Malaysians would not want to see the country become like Lebanon or Iraq for the sake of religion."
Dissatisfaction over Kelantan's lack of prosperity under the Islamic party surfaced in the last elections in 2004, when it barely clung to power. The party has 23 of 45 seats in Kelantan's legislature, a one-seat majority over the National Front.
"Things would pick up if PAS loses power," said a vegetable seller who asked to be identified only by her first name, Kamariah. "Right now, Kelantan is not receiving much help from the [federal] government to improve facilities and bring more employment, simply because we're an opposition-controlled state."
Kelantan's future will also be keenly watched for possible ripple effects on a decades-old Islamic insurgency in neighboring southern Thailand.
Many Thai Muslims have relatives in Kelantan and some even hold dual citizenship. Because of such links, Kelantanese have long been sympathetic to the Thai struggle.
The PAS government, though, has been careful not to allow the state to become a training ground for Thai insurgents.
Despite being politically coveted, Kelantan remains a backwater dotted by small, aging mosques and wooden village houses.
Many residents toil on rubber, rice and palm oil plantations. The few dozen textile, wood and electronics factories bear scant testament to Malaysia's reputation as one of Southeast Asia's most industrialized economies.
Kelantan's average annual economic growth of 3.3 percent between 2000 and 2005 was the most lethargic nationwide.
Its poverty rate of 10.6 percent in 2004 was nearly double the national figure, according to the most recent government statistics. Average household monthly income of 1,829 ringgit (US$538) was the lowest among Malaysia's 13 states.
When PAS took over in 1990, it limited liquor sales, prohibited lotteries and betting outlets, banned nightclubs and rock concerts, fined Muslim women for not wearing headscarves in workplaces and enforced public segregation of the sexes through measures such as separate checkout lines for men and women in supermarkets.
Such rules made Kelantan a cultural anomaly in Malaysia, where nearly 60 percent of the country's 26 million people are ethnic Malay Muslims. In Kelantan, about 90 percent of the 1.5 million people are Malay Muslims.
With its stated aim of implementing Islamic governance, PAS has virtually no hope of gaining national power because it frightens non-Muslims and the largely moderate Muslims in other states.
PAS also tried to introduce an Islamic legal code that prescribed amputation of limbs for thieves, death by stoning for adulterers and whipping for Muslims who consume alcohol, but the laws were blocked by the federal Constitution, which guarantees secular laws.
Still, PAS has not lost all support.
"Many of us in Kelantan are poor, but we're proud that we have not strayed from religious values," taxi driver Ramli Ibrahim said. "As long as PAS rules, we can be sure the focus is Islam, instead of material wealth that causes corruption elsewhere."
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
I first met Professor Ray Jiing (井迎瑞) as a film and documentary student at Shih Hsin University’s (SHU) Department of Radio Television and Film in 1988. The following year, he went on to become the director of the Chinese Taipei Film Archive — forerunner of the Taiwan Film and Audiovisual Institute (TFAI). Over his eight-year tenure, Jiing rescued and restored over 200 classic Taiwanese films. In 1997, he established the Graduate Institute of Studies in Documentary and Film Archiving at Tainan National University of the Arts (TNNUA), and I joined the program in his third cohort of students. Beyond a
President William Lai Ching-te’s (賴清德) May 20 second-anniversary address was not just a routine policy review; it was damage control. US President Donald Trump’s remarks — that he did not want to see anyone move toward independence and that the delivery of a major Taiwan arms package could depend on the progress of US-China relations — unsettled Taiwan’s public and created an opening for opposition parties to question whether Taiwan was being treated as a bargaining chip in Washington’s dealings with Beijing. Lai’s speech was designed to close that opening. The address covered the expected ground: sovereignty, cross-strait relations, defense spending,