Public broadcasting in the UK and Taiwan is moving in dramatically different directions. While the BBC's new charter and ample funding prepares one of the world's most distinguished public broadcasting organizations for the future, its Taiwanese counterpart, the newly-formed Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS,
The BBC's new charter, which came into effect on Jan. 1, sets a number of goals over the next decade including developing the BBC's infrastructure; supporting the UK's TV and movie industries; internationalizing and providing innovative content and digital media so that all citizens have access to diverse, in-depth programming regardless of class, region, or ethnicity.
To achieve those goals, the BBC has been given an annual budget of ?3 billion (US$6 billion) over each of the next 10 years and, on Jan. 18th, the Labour and Conservative parties joined together to grant the BBC further annual increases. This strong legal and financial basis will help the flagship of the British broadcasting industry maintain its leadership position over the next decade.
In contrast, Taiwan's Government Information Office (GIO), which oversees the broadcasting industry, is neither pushing for passage of the draft public broadcasting act nor providing funding to TBS, which was created by combining the Chinese Television Service (CTS,
Why are the UK and Taiwan so different? British political parties try to win minds and votes with policies and achievements. Once in power, a party must honor its campaign promises and deliver policy achievements. Otherwise, it will quickly find itself out of power.
The Labour Party's media policy platform for the last election envisioned the BBC as laying the foundation for a nation of innovation in an era of cultural economy. Voters supported this policy and, since its latest victory, Labor has worked hard to make this vision a reality. Its ministers, furthermore, have stepped forward at key moments to defend the value of public broadcasting and build support for it.
Taiwan's media policy is less clear. When election time rolls around, the parties rely on the simplest possible strategy: polarizing the pan-blue and pan-green camps while mobilizing both pro-unification and pro-independence supporters. The public interest does not enter into their calculations, nor do they seek to win votes with their policies.
If a party wins, it immediately abandons any promises it has made and instead concentrates on raking in cash. Broadcast media policy moves forward only if you push it. If you stop, it stops. And when progress on media policy grinds to a halt, it means further delay to one of the nation's major development projects.
Civic groups need to understand that political parties will only keep their promises if they are pressured. This is the only way that Taiwan is going to get quality programming. The current administration promised to create a first-rate public broadcasting system. Meanwhile, other countries like the UK are sailing ahead into a new century. What is the GIO doing?
Lin Lih-yun is an associate professor in the Graduate Institute of Journalism at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Michael Fahey and Eddy Chang
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means