Public broadcasting in the UK and Taiwan is moving in dramatically different directions. While the BBC's new charter and ample funding prepares one of the world's most distinguished public broadcasting organizations for the future, its Taiwanese counterpart, the newly-formed Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS,
The BBC's new charter, which came into effect on Jan. 1, sets a number of goals over the next decade including developing the BBC's infrastructure; supporting the UK's TV and movie industries; internationalizing and providing innovative content and digital media so that all citizens have access to diverse, in-depth programming regardless of class, region, or ethnicity.
To achieve those goals, the BBC has been given an annual budget of ?3 billion (US$6 billion) over each of the next 10 years and, on Jan. 18th, the Labour and Conservative parties joined together to grant the BBC further annual increases. This strong legal and financial basis will help the flagship of the British broadcasting industry maintain its leadership position over the next decade.
In contrast, Taiwan's Government Information Office (GIO), which oversees the broadcasting industry, is neither pushing for passage of the draft public broadcasting act nor providing funding to TBS, which was created by combining the Chinese Television Service (CTS,
Why are the UK and Taiwan so different? British political parties try to win minds and votes with policies and achievements. Once in power, a party must honor its campaign promises and deliver policy achievements. Otherwise, it will quickly find itself out of power.
The Labour Party's media policy platform for the last election envisioned the BBC as laying the foundation for a nation of innovation in an era of cultural economy. Voters supported this policy and, since its latest victory, Labor has worked hard to make this vision a reality. Its ministers, furthermore, have stepped forward at key moments to defend the value of public broadcasting and build support for it.
Taiwan's media policy is less clear. When election time rolls around, the parties rely on the simplest possible strategy: polarizing the pan-blue and pan-green camps while mobilizing both pro-unification and pro-independence supporters. The public interest does not enter into their calculations, nor do they seek to win votes with their policies.
If a party wins, it immediately abandons any promises it has made and instead concentrates on raking in cash. Broadcast media policy moves forward only if you push it. If you stop, it stops. And when progress on media policy grinds to a halt, it means further delay to one of the nation's major development projects.
Civic groups need to understand that political parties will only keep their promises if they are pressured. This is the only way that Taiwan is going to get quality programming. The current administration promised to create a first-rate public broadcasting system. Meanwhile, other countries like the UK are sailing ahead into a new century. What is the GIO doing?
Lin Lih-yun is an associate professor in the Graduate Institute of Journalism at National Taiwan University.
Translated by Michael Fahey and Eddy Chang
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its