The massive financial scandal surrounding the Rebar Asia Pacific Group (
On the surface, the irregularities have highlighted the government's serious delinquency in its oversight and management role. But on a deeper level, it reflects the disorder caused by government policies aimed at boosting Taiwan's national telecommunications industry. The mess created by the opening up of the fixed network industry, which the government specially designated for deregulation in 1999, is yet another example of the ugly consequences of the entanglement between state and business interests, which has remained even after the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) took power in 2000.
At the end of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) era in 1999, in the name of market liberalization, the Ministry of Transportation and Communications (MOTC) formally announced that it would begin accepting applications for special licenses permitting companies to enter the fixed network market. This drew the interest of a number of large companies, which raced to group together to compete for the licenses.
Another main goal of liberalization was to speed up construction and modernization of the domestic broadband infrastructure, as well as the overall development of all telecommunications networks by allowing new companies into the market. The MOTC set a high threshold for applying, requiring groups to have NT$40 billion (US$1.22 billion) in capital. Several companies intending to apply competed to raise funds on capital markets. Banking on a rosy future and high profitability for the industry, they raised large amounts of capital by issuing shares. Taiwan Fixed Network (台灣固網), Eastern Broadband Telecom and New Century Infocomm Tech Co (新世紀資通), the three companies that won the licenses, raised NT$92.2 billion, NT$65.7 billion and NT$47.5 billion respectively.
However, the problems caused by this NT$200 billion in capital are just now about to emerge. Not long after they received their permits, word came out that the three private companies would not immediately invest the money in building infrastructure. Instead, they would inappropriately use it for other purposes. The media covered the story extensively and there were repeated reports that prosecutors would probe the matter. This all resulted from the government's serious inability to monitor and set standards for private fixed network companies. This amounted to a veiled incentive for companies to misuse their capital.
At the time that it began issuing the licenses, the MOTC declared the plan would help reach the goal of an "extensive Internet infrastructure, and broadband in 6 million households."
The three companies were contractually obligated to finish connecting 1 million subscribers and network loops within six years. However, after succeeding in raising such a large reserve of funds, for years they only built the most easily constructed Internet framework. For example, Taiwan Fixed Network had to rely on investment from the MOTC's Taiwan Railway Administration to provide for its nation-wide fiber optic network. Meanwhile the licensed companies were slow to construct a broadband network to connect consumer subscribers.
Most outrageous of all, when the DPP came to power after the licenses were issued, it proved unable to effectively encourage the companies to expand their broadband networks. The old slogan of "broadband in 6 million households" quickly vanished into thin air. At the end of 2003, the government's "Mobile Taiwan" plan to develop wireless regional networks included a plan to construct underground broadband pipes. Now taxpayers have had to foot the bill for the NT$37 billion budget, which was to carry on the task of laying 6,000km of underground broadband pipes across the country in the hope of achieving a complete fixed network for Internet, cable television and mobile phones.
It's been more than seven years since the fixed network market was opened up. As countries like South Korea and Japan have forged into the fiber optic network era, Taiwan has floundered, and its mission of creating a complete telecommunications network is back where it started. Now there are major doubts and suspicions about just where APBT's money went.
Look at the situation from the perspective of those outside companies that were denied licenses because they couldn't raise NT$40 billion to apply, or the previously state-run Chunghwa Telecom as it continues working to establish a broadband and fiber optic network, or the stock holders who invested enthusiastically in what looked like such promising companies.
All they can do is shake their heads.
Simon Chang is chairman of Chunghwa Telecom Workers' Union. Translated by Daniel Cheng and Marc Langer
In their recent op-ed “Trump Should Rein In Taiwan” in Foreign Policy magazine, Christopher Chivvis and Stephen Wertheim argued that the US should pressure President William Lai (賴清德) to “tone it down” to de-escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait — as if Taiwan’s words are more of a threat to peace than Beijing’s actions. It is an old argument dressed up in new concern: that Washington must rein in Taipei to avoid war. However, this narrative gets it backward. Taiwan is not the problem; China is. Calls for a so-called “grand bargain” with Beijing — where the US pressures Taiwan into concessions
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its