A look of satisfaction played on the trade official's face as he reeled off statistics recently from a ministry report about China's booming commerce with Africa.
"Forty African countries have trade agreements with China now," said the official, Li Xiaobing, deputy director of the West Asian and African Affairs division of the Trade Ministry. "We are doing a railway project in Nigeria, a Sheraton hotel in Algeria and a mobile telephone network in Tunisia. We are all over Africa now."
ILLUSTRATION MOUNTAIN PEOPLE
For any doubters, a glance at the statistics indicates that the official's exultation is, if anything, understated. Though starting from a modest base, China's trade with the African continent reached US$18.5 billion last year, an increase of 50 percent since 2000, and it is on track for another big increase this year.
China's push into Africa is all the more remarkable because it comes when that continent has become the virtual stepchild of the international trade system, a mere footnote -- or worse, simply unmentioned in discussions of global commerce.
Beijing's fast-rising involvement with Africa grows out of China's immense and growing need for natural resources, in particular for imported oil, of which 25 percent now comes from Africa.
Lacking the economic and political connections that Western Europe has with Africa as a legacy of colonialism, and the economic power that the US wields because of its wealth and influence in international financial institutions, China's new leadership under President Hu Jintao (
China's diplomatic machine has spared no effort, making sure that African leaders do not view its interest as a passing fancy. The prime minister and vice president have also visited the continent in the last year.
Experts in African affairs say that China's choices of partners and its diplomatic philosophy, which preaches noninterference in other countries' internal affairs, may have important consequences for Africa, especially at a time when Western countries seem largely preoccupied elsewhere.
At one time many African countries, whether colonies locked in liberation struggles or fledgling, often nonaligned states, viewed China as a progressive ally and counterweight to the West. But those days are gone, and increasingly, China's involvement in Africa is pure big business.
In visiting Gabon, for example, Hu was honoring the leadership of Omar Bongo, a man who has become immensely rich while ruling his country autocratically since 1967. With its tiny size and population, Gabon ranks high in China's sights for one obvious reason: It is a longstanding oil exporter open to new investments in its petroleum industry.
A diplomat from Benin expressed disappointment.
"We're a socialist-Marxist state, and we've had 30 years of ties with the People's Republic of China, and yet they bypassed us to go to Gabon," the diplomat was quoted as saying by The South China Morning Post in Hong Kong. "This tells me that China has no friends but rather only interests."
Although Benin was long a Marxist dictatorship, for the last decade it has been one of Africa's freest democracies.
Elsewhere on the continent, China has become a vitally important partner of Africa's largest country, Sudan, at a time when the government there, a perennial abuser of human rights, has been accused by international rights groups and the US Congress of organizing genocide.
"We started with Sudan from scratch," boasted Li. "When we started there, they were an oil importer, and now they are an oil exporter. We've built refineries, pipelines and production."
He dismissed a question about Sudan's human rights record, saying, "We import from every source we can get oil from."
China's deputy foreign minister, Zhou Wenzhong (
"Business is business," he said in a recent interview.
"We try to separate politics from business. Secondly, I think the internal situation in the Sudan is an internal affair, and we are not in a position to impose upon them," he said.
Zhou went on to blame the West for many of Africa's problems, saying: "You have tried to impose a market economy and multiparty democracy on these countries, which are not ready for it. We are also against embargos, which you have tried to use against us."
This "see no evil" approach has not been cost-free.
In a report about the role of Sudan's oil industry in supporting an oppressive government in that country, Human Rights Watch, a New York-based advocacy group, wrote about a financing venture by the state-owned China National Petroleum Corp.
"China's first foray into the world of high finance -- to open up its enormous government-owned corporations to foreign investment -- was a controversial offer to sell stock in CNPC to the public on the New York Stock Exchange," the report said. "Its offer, designed to raise a record US$10 billion, had to be withdrawn and refashioned because of the negative publicity suggesting that the proceeds would be used to commit further human rights abuses in Sudan, Tibet and elsewhere."
Some experts in African affairs caution that by taking a classic big-power approach to African relations, China may be compromising its long-term influence there.
"For most of the postcolonial period, France, Britain and the US also embraced some of the most unsavory regimes in Africa," said Gerald Bender, a professor of international relations at the University of Southern California.
"What China is perhaps not anticipating is how, when you embrace these terrible regimes, you eventually get tainted for it," he said.
Concerns that the US might abandon Taiwan are often overstated. While US President Donald Trump’s handling of Ukraine raised unease in Taiwan, it is crucial to recognize that Taiwan is not Ukraine. Under Trump, the US views Ukraine largely as a European problem, whereas the Indo-Pacific region remains its primary geopolitical focus. Taipei holds immense strategic value for Washington and is unlikely to be treated as a bargaining chip in US-China relations. Trump’s vision of “making America great again” would be directly undermined by any move to abandon Taiwan. Despite the rhetoric of “America First,” the Trump administration understands the necessity of
US President Donald Trump’s challenge to domestic American economic-political priorities, and abroad to the global balance of power, are not a threat to the security of Taiwan. Trump’s success can go far to contain the real threat — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) surge to hegemony — while offering expanded defensive opportunities for Taiwan. In a stunning affirmation of the CCP policy of “forceful reunification,” an obscene euphemism for the invasion of Taiwan and the destruction of its democracy, on March 13, 2024, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) used Chinese social media platforms to show the first-time linkage of three new
If you had a vision of the future where China did not dominate the global car industry, you can kiss those dreams goodbye. That is because US President Donald Trump’s promised 25 percent tariff on auto imports takes an ax to the only bits of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain that are not already dominated by Beijing. The biggest losers when the levies take effect this week would be Japan and South Korea. They account for one-third of the cars imported into the US, and as much as two-thirds of those imported from outside North America. (Mexico and Canada, while
The military is conducting its annual Han Kuang exercises in phases. The minister of national defense recently said that this year’s scenarios would simulate defending the nation against possible actions the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) might take in an invasion of Taiwan, making the threat of a speculated Chinese invasion in 2027 a heated agenda item again. That year, also referred to as the “Davidson window,” is named after then-US Indo-Pacific Command Admiral Philip Davidson, who in 2021 warned that Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) had instructed the PLA to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027. Xi in 2017
RSS