Minister of National Defense Tang Yao-ming (
In 1953, during the Korean War, then-US president Dwight D. Eisenhower discussed the possibility of using nuclear weapons against China. In 1988, Beijing successfully tested a neutron bomb and the US military began to study more seriously the possibility of using nuclear weapons against China. Despite the differences in the nuclear policies of successive US presidents, their view of China as a possible target of tactical nuclear weapons did not change. The nuclear contingency plan, reported on last month by the Los Angeles Times, was therefore simply a continuation of past policy.
Soon after taking office, US President George W. Bush vowed to "do whatever it takes to help Taiwan defend itself." During his visit to Japan earlier this year, he described both Japan and Taiwan as friends of the US. Clearly, the US lists Taiwan in the same category as Japan and South Korea -- and puts it under the same nuclear protection umbrella. This defense mechanism is the foundation for security in East Asia. The US policy of strategic ambiguity on the use of nuclear weapons is the key to maintaining its nuclear deterrence.
This newspaper has always advocated making the Taiwan Strait a nuclear-free zone. But Taiwan unilaterally declaring the Strait a non-nuclear zone is not a smart idea. Given that China remains unwilling to renounce the possible use of force against Taiwan, a unilateral declaration would destroy the existing strategic ambiguity, do more harm than good and cause problems for Taiwan's allies. China has more than 300 ballistic missiles deployed against Taiwan. It's hostility toward Taiwan is on the rise as Beijing continues to whip up nationalist fervor for unification as part of its internal power struggles.
The Strait should be a nuclear-free zone, but Taiwan's national security and defense institutions first need to integrate their political and military strategies -- and then seek a consensus with the US on the issue. The next step would be to seek a formal agreement with the US and China through a tripartite-negotiation mechanism. The US position on the Strait is rather passive: it will not take the initiative to intervene. That leaves China as the key factor. Beijing's use of nuclear weapons against Taiwan would draw strong condemnation from the international community, not to mention the fact that it would destroy the very prize it claims to have been seeking for decades. The US might be forced to retaliate with its own nuclear weapons. No one would emerge a winner from such a scenario.
A promise from China for a nuclear-free zone in the Strait would not only reduce Washington and Taipei's concerns about Beijing's threat, but would be a substantial goodwill gesture toward the people of Taiwan. It would also go a long way toward improving Sino-American ties and cross-strait relations -- a winning situation for all three parties.
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