In view of the prevalence of misconduct within the educational system, some lawmakers have been trying to reinstate the Joint College Entrance Examination (JCEE). Perhaps some might view it as a backlash from the conservative camp or a departure from the trend of the time, but it fully reflects the predicament facing educational reforms over the past years.
At the end of the 20th century, Taiwan's educational reforms, on the surface seemed to pursue the realization of "humanistic education" (人本教育) or fundamental modification of the flawed education system. In reality, anyone with class consciousness knows the so-called reforms are nothing but a cultural struggle. It entails the presumed cultural legitimacy of some groups and the reproduction of existing social structures. Under colonial cultural hegemony, what is underscored is the upper socio-economic classes' suppression of the lower classes' culture.
In the past decades, because of the supposed superiority of their culture and propriety of their actions, the social elite who spearheaded the educational reform process in the first place enjoyed opportunities to express and highlight their educational ideals. Therefore, the entire educational reform actually reflected the values and principles of the upper socio-economic classes. Therefore, the marginalized and silent lower socio-economic classes couldn't escape becoming victims of manipulation and domination.
The upper classes often loudly shout the slogan, "learn happily and grow up merrily" as the goal of educational reforms. But the working classes abide by the Chinese saying "only by experiencing the hardest of hardships can one rise above the ordinary" (吃得苦中苦,方為人上人). They are clearly aware that there is no other way to elevate their social status except for working terribly hard. The upper echelons of society, in possession of abundant resources, often perplexes the working class by saying that one can live happily even without becoming a high-ranking official or making big bucks. But personal experience tells the poor that those in poverty are not entitled to feel happy.
In reforming the educational system, the social elite are eager to abolish the JCEE. They label the system as the poisonous residue left by the imperial examination system of the feudal era, criticizing it for causing teaching designed strictly to meet the demands of the test and placing the fate of each student solely in the hands of the JCEE. They also condemn the system for stifling the creativity of young people. But taking exams is often the only way through which the working class can rise from poverty to affluence.
The elite devised the Diversified College Enrollment Scheme (大學多元入學方案) in the hope of providing students with multiple, diverse choices in academic developments. But the working class finds out they have to pay a registration fee of several thousand NT dollars in just the first phase of "recommendation-based admission program" (推薦甄選). Neither do they have the money to create added value, for example by taking part in science project competitions, talent classes or club activities, or by hiring tutors or ghostwriters to work on their research projects. They are probably still baffled by the differences between "recommendation-based admission" for "admission through application." Eventually, they will come to realize that this is simply a game for the rich.
Amid the cultural conflicts brought about by educational reforms, the disadvantaged working class will always get the short end of the stick. In conflicts between different cultural models, the key to victory is control over the mainstream media and the ability of one's culture to provide symbolic values and world views. Apparently, having enormous economic, social and cultural capital, the privileged class does enjoy a larger podium at which it can speak. On the contrary, disadvantaged classes without the abilities to make interpretations and to control their own life can only end up being manipulated. They find it extremely difficult to change this reality. So now they can only utter a feeble voice -- as the rich insist on playing a game of the rich -- "Can the poor be also allowed to play a game in which money is not a precondition?"
Chiou Tian-juh is an associate professor of social psychology at Shih Hsin University.
Translated by Jackie Lin
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