The fourth Legislative Yuan was probably no worse than its predecessor. However, the behavior of many of its members right before their departure still made people shake their heads. While many laws may have been enacted, many problems remain.
The fourth Legislative Yuan passed 624 bills, more than any previous legislative session. Many of the bills passed were related to the Economic Development Advisory Conference (EDAC, 經發會). Their enactment deserves recognition, as they constitute a major contribution to the revival of Taiwan's economy. However, it is disappointing that the Financial Supervisory Board Organization Law (金融監督委員會組織法), key to successful reform of Taiwan's financial system, was not passed because of serious disagreement over how to choose board members.
The Legislative Yuan also approved the government budget for the fiscal year 2002. Concerned that major budget cuts would prompt attacks by the ruling party, the opposition parties adopted a new strategy, under which major cuts were made to annual government revenues, but smaller cuts were made to government expenditures. As a result, a record-breaking NT$8.5 billion was cut from the budget. The opposition parties did not review the budget item by item. Instead, they first decided on the dollar amount of the cut, and then asked the government to comply with the demand. The amendment to the Law Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法) was passed in a similarly violent manner. In both cases, power struggles among the political parties replaced rational discussion.
Opposition lawmakers could also be accused of procrastination. They completed much of their work right before the end of the session. They convened for 48 hours straight in a marathon final meeting. This is not how things should be. The Legislative Yuan should establish a model of regular and periodic negotiations between the opposition and ruling parties to improve legislative efficiency. Abusing their legislative majority, the opposition has refused to engage in negotiation and randomly deleted budgets at will. This irresponsible behavior by the KMT is an insult to the KMT's 50 years' experience as a ruling party.
Even so, lawmakers' efficiency has improved somewhat, although their sense of judgement and self-discipline have further to go. For example, a small number of lawmakers tried to bring former legislators under the same regulations as former politically appointed officials (政務官). Then, to help Tainan County Legislator Hung Yu-chin (洪玉欽), who was defeated in the December elections, the KMT tried to take advantage of a sickly PFP lawmaker by amending the Election and Recall Law (選罷法). The KMT tried to amend the law so that a deceased lawmaker's vacancy may be filled without an election. And the regulation on compensation to veterans of the 1958 cross-strait conflict may have been smuggled through had the media not voiced its strong opposition. The alleged collective bribery of lawmakers for their endorsement of the Electronic Game Regulation Act (電子遊戲場業管理條例) triggered calls for the passage of a political donations law. However, lawmakers still refused to put a rope around their own necks, and the law did not pass.
In the future, no party will have a majority in the legislature. But the ruling "pan-green" and the opposition "pan-blue" groups are relatively equal in strength. A balance of terror may be maintained between them. However, the opposition won't have an absolute majority to abuse. So, a rational negotiation mechanism should be established to foster a democratic congressional culture. Hopefully, the chaos in the past legislative session might be the darkness before the dawn.
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